Abstract

The term "feudalism" is often used to describe a social order in which land is held by an elite group that is not subservient to a monarchy or government. In return for their service to the king or his kingdom, his subjects are granted land. In the feudal system, the male head of the family (typically a large joint family) is accountable for the maintenance of the home and the land that has been bequeathed to him. It is true that the social structures of feudalisms in Medieval Europe and Medieval India shared some similarities; however, the feudalism that developed in Pakistan (which was a descendant of Indian feudalism) had its own unique roots and characteristics that were shaped by local history (such as the influence and intent of invaders) and culture. According to land reforms adopted in 1959, each individual's yearly produce from 500 irrigated and 1000 non-irrigated acres was capped at 36,000 index units. This study looks at what happened to feudalism in Pakistan's Southern Punjab between 1969 and 1990, and it offers solutions to the problems that led to its decline.

Key Words

Feudalism, Social-Economic, Sociology, Politics,  Economics  

Introduction

According to the Oxford Learner's Dictionary, in a feudal society, subjects serve the king in exchange for property (2014). Similarly, "feudalism" describes a land ownership system in which exclusive rights are held by a select few with close ties to the monarchy or other forms of political power (Kosambi, 1956). A feudal's job was to levy taxes on the common people and send the money to the royal treasury. A feudal lord's additional duty was to organize an army to protect the realm during times of crisis. The people living inside a feudal's fief had no say in the management of the estate; instead, the feudal reported directly to the central authority. The central government demanded fealty from its subjects throughout the feudal era (Pearson, 1989a & 1989b). The Delhi Sultans, the Mughals, and the British were not the only conquerors and rulers of the subcontinent who fueled internal turmoil and rivalry between local populations. This helped them keep the region under their grip. The British acknowledged the need for federal sovereignty over the fiefs following the 1857 revolution. They should be made completely dependent on the state instead (Kosambi, 1956).

Similarly, the British government needed tax money to function efficiently. The transition of feudal lords to capitalists began during British administration and continued after the subcontinent was partitioned in 1947. Since 1985 (Sharma). Chaudhary, Warraich, Pir, Khan, Makhdoom, Arbab, Mizari, Khar, Leghari, Nawabzada, Nawb, Sardar, Shah, and Nawab are only few of the titles given to feudal rulers in Pakistan. They are known as Rajputs throughout the area (Anwar, 2013). Feudalism, in the form of Zamindars, tribal leaders, Pirs, or none of these, can be found in every province of Pakistan (Ali, 1989). Across the countryside, you can find huge estates, peasants, and private jails; in the cities, you can find gorgeous mansions and a wealthy way of life.




Feudalism in Pakistan

Two defining features of feudalism in Pakistan are the subordination of women and the mistreatment of the peasantry. Since women were not permitted to marry or inherit land, they were subjected to particularly harsh forms of oppression during the feudal era. The Koranic marital arrangement, which women are obliged to obey, often results in men keeping their share of the family's income (Siddiqa, 2014). The head of the family in a feudal society is responsible for taking care of the estate and the household he has inherited. In sharp contrast to matriarchal societies (Anwar, 2013; Siddiqa, 2014). As an added bonus, the senior family member is given more consideration than the junior when making critical decisions.




Feudalism for Land Reforms in Southern Punjab

The term "land reform" refers to a set of policies aimed at altering the current systems of land ownership (Griffin, Khan & Ickowitz, 2002). India's land reforms, which ended feudalism (or the Zamindari system) in 1961, set out to do two things: decrease poverty and boost education levels (Appu, 1996). The primary motivation was to boost agricultural output by distributing previously concentrated landholdings among a larger number of new owners. So, more people would be able to work in the fields, increasing the production of staples like grain and cotton. The second objective was to provide all peasants, regardless of their family's economic standing, with the same chances for success. This move was motivated by the widespread idea that large landowners economically and socially exploited their rural workforce. There is no doubt that industrialisation helped India advance, but it appears that socialism (based on the ideals of Karl Marx) was the fundamental reason (Besley & Burgess, 2000). Many believe that the 1960s, during the rule of General Ayub Khan, marked Pakistan's initial attempts into manufacturing. Since agriculture was the backbone of the economy at the time, this remark may be read as a secret message to large landowners to increase agricultural output to fulfill industry needs.




Feudalism and Political Systems

The word "feudalism" comes from the medieval Latin words feudalis and feodum, which meant "fee" and "fief," respectively. The fee was a plot of land (the fief) awarded in exchange for loyal military service. When landowners provide possessions to tenants in exchange for loyalty and duty, the result is a feudal system (also known as feudalism). Although the term "feudal system" is frequently used in political discourse with a much broader connotation, in this context it usually refers to a bygone and exploitative style of rule. The impact of feudalism on medieval society was twofold. First, feudalism reduced the appeal of a centralized authority. Different lords would divide their territories up into smaller and smaller sections for their vassals and knights. The second issue is that feudalism slowed down commerce and development. Throughout medieval Europe, the political and economic system was feudalism. Giving land to a supporter in exchange for military service and tax payments was important to this land-based economy. It thrived thanks to allegiance and the efficient utilization of land. Lords, vassals, and fiefs were the three fundamental components of feudalism, and their connections with one another revealed the system's underlying structure. A lord was a wealthy landowner, while a vassal was an underling who served at the lord's pleasure. Land held by a nobility was called a fief. The concept of holding all land in fief or fee and lord to vassal was central to the political and economic system known as feudalism, which flourished in Europe from the ninth to the fifteenth centuries. Extensive adoration, military and legal tenant service, and forfeiture occurred. During the decline of Western Europe's once-powerful central government following the fall of Rome, feudalism emerged as a means to protect local communities from the resulting anarchy and bloodshed. As a result of feudalism, Western European culture was shielded from the aggression of other countries. Business activity picked up speed as feudalism gained popularity. The Lords repaired bridges and roads. From roughly A.D. 9 to A.D. 15, feudalism governed the political, economic, and social structures of Medieval Europe. Feudal tenants are farmers who work land for a lord and agree to fight in the lord's army in exchange for the right to reside on the land and be protected.

Background

For as long as history keeps track of, humans have relied on the land to a great extent for their survival. There is no way to overstate the importance of land in a country like Pakistan. It goes without saying that agriculture plays a significant role in Pakistan's economy. Sixty-plus percent of the global population is still based in rural areas and relies on agriculture for subsistence. Land has always played an important role in the social structure of Indo-Pakistani societies, dating back to the Mughal era, which may help explain the dominance of landowning elites in Pakistan today. The British left the subcontinent in 1947 after more than two centuries of colonial rule, but not before complex political methods had been put in place to entrench the power of the landowning aristocracy. Crucially, the emergence of the feudal mode of production aided colonial power, which had less interest in advancing agriculture and more in exploiting natural resources and accruing land revenues. But, the fact that feudalism can quickly adapt its system to the needs of post-colonial civilization and preserve its economic and political supremacy in some locations is far more essential and warrants our entire attention. I believe it is crucial that we investigate this phenomenon. There have been three land reforms in Pakistan since the country's inception, but the economic and social base of landowning elites has not changed. It is for this reason that they continue to play such a significant role in the government of the country. The arrival of agricultural modernization has cleared the way for their survival and the increase of their economic potential. Middle-class landowners, the petite bourgeoisie, and businessmen in Pakistan have all risen to prominence since agricultural modernization. Nonetheless, they have never posed a real threat to the stability of the feudal system. While universal agreement with this assumption, an alternative view states that the introduction of the commercial economy, the adoption of Green Resolution, and the modernisation of agriculture corresponded with the rise of middle-class landowners and the collapse of feudal lords. We will contend that the decline in economic might has not diminished the political authority of landowning elites, notably in South Punjab. The political structure of Pakistan, according to those who argued against the commercial economy's foundation, has its roots in an era when a feudal method of production was common. The feudal aristocracy enjoys widespread support from other social strata. Due to their socioeconomic dominance, the feudal rulers of Southern Punjab have maintained their stronghold on Pakistani politics. The middle class landowners, businessmen, and manufacturers who benefited from the feudal's political domination were all incentivized to keep it that way.

They've realized that family and the biradari nexus provide them an advantage in politics. Most rural residents, whether they are peasants, renters, landless laborers, or service industry workers, rely on feudals for support. Given their helplessness in the face of feudal rule, they find refuge in patron-client ties. For. To prove our claim, we conducted an in-depth poll. Due to the frequent military interventions and the significant role played by the bureaucracy in the decision-making process, there has been no time for the establishment of a democratic political system or the nurturing of a democratic political culture. Civilian and military bureaucracy, landowners, and other cusses equally backing industrial elites preserved the feudal system in place while political parties faded into irrelevance. If the feudals are so powerful, it's because they've been able to form powerful coalitions with other ruling classes (e.g. military, bureaucracy and industrialists).

Recent discussions in Pakistan have focused on the country's continued use of feudalism. The protagonists have used the term "feudal" to describe the system of sharecropping for landowners, the mostly static nature of agricultural practices, and the domination of a small number of individuals in the agricultural sector. Yet, farm mechanization has become synonymous with capitalism in agriculture during the past few decades. This, however, is incorrect because it disregards the evolution of social interactions connected to manufacturing. In order to distinguish between the two scenarios, the theoretical ambiguity must be cleared up. The distinction Marx makes between the "formal subsumption of labor under capital" and the "actual (or real) subsumption of labor under capital" is instructive here. It could also be said that this is a feature of the dynamics of capitalist development on the margins. These societies can trace their bourgeois revolution back to metropolitan capitalism, and they are well on their way to becoming fully capitalist democracies. Yet, the distinctive structure of capitalist growth means that the forces of production in these communities cannot expand as rapidly as they would under traditional capitalism. As an added bonus, under conditions analogous to those in India. Since the three "basic classes" we've identified all use the same manner of production, we know that they do not compete with one another. The shared ground between groups allows for the growth of mutually beneficial relationships. Given its colonial history and the challenges we've already discussed in our theoretical discourse, we can say that Pakistan is not established in the center of a fully developed capitalist system but rather on its fringes.

Since the country's preexisting social structure had not been extensively dismantled, nor had its social relations of production been significantly altered, transformation was not possible. As the results of this research show, dissolution is the inverse of conservation. It is for this reason that some aspects of feudalism and feudal culture are still visible in rural Pakistan. More specifically, in the economically marginalized regions of South Punjab and Sind. Despite the region's lack of industrialization, landowners in South Punjab have gained substantial economic and political clout. 121 Given the existence of landed magnates in Pakistan, virtually along with their economic and political power in the structural matrix of peripheral capitalism, and the relative dependence of free peasants and the landless class on them, the question arises as to whether or not feudalism exists in the country. Tackling this issue won't be simple. Regarding social order or historical development (dialectical materialism), there is no such thing as feudalism, and there never has been. Nonetheless, "remnants" of feudalism and feudal society persist today. Due to the economic and political dominance of the landed nobility there and their authoritarian political behavior, it is reasonable to conclude that feudalism still continues to some degree in rural South Punjab. To eliminate any theoretical ambiguity, a definition of feudalism is provided for this debate. The landowning class owns the vast bulk of the agricultural land that forms the foundations of their immense economic basis in this "social and economic structure that operates within the framework of periphery capitalism." Though numerically insignificant, they have pooled their resources to influence policy in the state to benefit both their own and the state's interests. They are nearly their own social class, held in high esteem, and seen as icons of feudal culture, particularly in rural areas, where they exhibit characteristics of a feudalistic thinking and behavior. This theory can be put to the test and confirmed by observation, though it's worth noting that it may not be applicable to all peripheral capitalist societies. This term is operational for the thesis's objectives. The primary goal of this research was not to extrapolate broad principles but rather to shed light on the regional specificity of the issue at hand. In order to develop the universal principle that can be used everywhere, Pakistan included, more research is needed across many fields and in other parts of the world. The study aims to accomplish the following:

• To find out the social composition of the feudal class in politics and to determine the institution of democracy and caused political, social, and economic disintegration in Southern Punjab From 1969-1990.

• To find out the factors behind the feudal and political instability and economic inequality in Southern Punjab from 1969-1990?

• To find out how military intervened in Feudal and political affairs and imposed martial law between 1969-1990 in Southern Punjab.

All over the document, you'll find a variety of titles, each of which introduces a new topic. Here, we provide you a high-level view of the topic and some context for how we got here. Moreover, this is fundamental to understanding the theory generally. The methods used are described in great depth in this thesis. The second section includes a survey of relevant published works. Beginning with the basics of study design, this chapter will introduce you to more advanced methods. The literature is surveyed for articles that are comparable in both breadth and purpose. The report's methodology is discussed in Section 3. The article explains why the writers used a particular study technique. The study's methodology and any ethical conundrums it raised are discussed. Findings from the research conducted for this project are discussed. The quantitative and qualitative findings are summed up in Section IV. In this concluding section, we will reflect on the study's goals, briefly describe its findings, and discuss its applicability, limitations, and future directions.

Related Work

Feudalism

There were clear distinctions between the responsibilities of the king, the nobles, and the peasants in a feudal political structure. One's social standing in a feudal society is directly related to the amount of land they own. Due to the widespread death caused by the Black Plague, feudalism also fell apart across Europe.

Many descriptions of feudalism include a wide range of institutional arrangements. Feudalism is described as "a sort of civilization and political system that originated in Western and Central Europe and controlled that region throughout the majority of the Middle Ages" by the International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. The term "feudal" is frequently used to refer to non-feudal societies and administrative systems that share many similarities with feudal ones. - These systems might be ancient or modern. According to Marx's theory of dialectical materialism, this economic structure occurred between the slave economy and the capitalist economy. At this point in history, a new economic system, based on serfdom, had emerged. Originally meaning "property in cattle," the Germanic name "Fehu-od" is the etymological progenitor of the French and English word "Fief," which also refers to property rights. Tenure, often known as "property in land," was subsequently coined to further underline land's value and the rights and benefits that come with it. The fief was historically characterized as a gigantic fold of social stratification and political organization because to the complex network of tenurial and personal relationships, economic, social, and political dependencies that surrounded it. In the latter, the term came to be employed to characterize a preexisting social order, such as the power of landowners in the state. Another connotation is that of the powerful taking advantage of the vulnerable by using inappropriate language. "a political, economic, and social system in which the power of the state was fractioned to the dominant aristocratic groups of society," is how the notion of feudalism is typically defined.




Manorialism

Manorialism and feudalism are often used interchangeably. Manorialism was a historical method of organizing agricultural labor. This phrase describes the economic links between the lord of a mannor and his tenant peasants in medieval literature. In contrast to capitalism, feudalism lasted for centuries and consisted mostly of a political and military system. There is a monarch and vassals who make up the aristocracy. Land was granted to vassals by a monarch in exchange for their allegiance and service in the armed forces and other departments.

The vows and rituals taken by the king and his vassals ensured that they would treat one another with integrity and carry out their responsibilities. The commoners would never accept to such a thing. Many entries in the authoritative Encyclopedia Americana back up this contention. According to the Encyclopedia Britannica, "fiefdom" is "a social system of rights and duties based on land tenure and personal relationship in which land (and to a much lesser extent other sources of income) is held in fief by vassals from lords to whom they owe specific services and with whom they are bound in personal loyalty." In feudal society, fiets were given to vassals as a symbol of gratitude for their service to their master lord rather than monetary compensation. Civic and military events, governmental and legal proceedings, and so on shifted their focus from the fief's possessors to the fief itself. As a result, government organizations became more dispersed and decentralized.

In the manorial or seigniorial system (another kind of feudalism), tenant farmers were tied to their land and at the landlord's mercy, with the latter having broad powers over the tenants in the areas of law and finance. Some encyclopedias have a more inclusive definition of feudalism, while others have a more restrictive one; however, they all appear to be in broad agreement with the general traits of feudalism as they relate to economic, social, and political components of society. As more and more historians have examined the matter in depth, the number of possible interpretations of the term "feudalism" has expanded. It became widely used during the French Revolution as an umbrella phrase for the myriad abuses of the Old Regime and has since lost none of its currency.

Nevertheless, when we strip away the complexities, we discover that historians use the phrase in essentially two distinct meanings. Feudalism can be defined as a systematic approach to social organization. This paragraph is a synopsis of what they say. something that has caused people to become more reliant on others, to the point that a militaristic elite has come to dominate the upper echelons of society. When property rights are severely abridged, for instance, "a graded system of rights over land created by this sub-division and corresponding in broad outlines to the grades of personal dependence just referred to" and "a dispersal of political authority among a hierarchy or individuals who exercise, in their own interests, powers normally attributed to the state and which are often, in fact, derived from its breakup" can emerge.




Capitalism

When it comes to global economic systems, capitalism was first. But its progress varies from country to country. Although feudalism is not universal, many developing countries even now use some feudal practices. Several developing countries, which are still struggling to achieve economic independence, continue to feel the reverberating effects of these residues on their economies and social lives." Due to the wide range of meanings the term "feudalism" encompasses, there is no agreed-upon definition of the concept. Historians with a Marxist perspective and those without may use the term very differently, for example. Because "science lives on and develops," the meaning and requirements of the socioeconomic system evolve as society progresses. Before we can put our theory to the test in the lab, we need to look at the definitions and arguments of some famous thinkers. Marxists argue that feudalism, in its broadest sense, may be found in every part of the world.

This is something that happens to every civilization after the earliest ones." In his writings on the subject, Marx used the term feudalism to refer to a *whole social structure whose major feature was the subjugation of the rest of society, primarily peasants, by a military-backed landowning nobility. After the producer's basic needs were met, Marx's explanation of how the producer's labor changed into the revenue of the ruling class was revolutionary. Marx was, without a doubt, a radical. Marx, whose life's work was to analyze the interactions between the main classes in the capitalist mode of production, saw parallels between the feudal mode of production (the material basis of the productive process) and the relations of production.

Related Studies

(R. Ahmad, 2010) Pakistan's federalism is examined in this research. It begins with a look at the theoretical underpinnings of federalism before delving into the country's recent history of federalism. An organic federal covenant has not been developed for various reasons, including those outlined in the article, which also discusses the NFC Award and the 18th Amendment as possible indicators of a paradigm change. Final thoughts on Pakistan's federalism are presented in this paper.

(Kaplan, 2013) By restricting the elite's access to and control over valuable resources, Pakistan might be described as a "restricted access order." Political parties and the military serve as platforms for various elites to gain access to state resources. Because of its political clout, the military has amassed enormous financial resources. While Pakistan's ingrained power dynamics make comprehensive change a challenging prospect, small moves that increase stability could eventually allow the country to evolve towards a more stable, equal, and open political order based on rules.

(Waseem, 2011) A military-dominated power structure and the undermining of democratic institutions and values directly resulted from India's partition from British India. As a result of partition, there is still an imbalance of power in Pakistan, which shapes the country's internal politics to this day. The military assumed an informal but substantial role as the supreme political agency to limit the constitutional state's authority. As a result, the Islamic elite has put pressure on the government to create Sharia, or Islamic law, since the country's founding. Pakistan's legal and institutional framework is very similar to that of its eastern neighbours, India, notwithstanding military control and regional instability. Pakistan is a constitutional state. Integrating the country's ungoverned territories into the main legal and political framework is key in political modernization.

(Sayeed, 1972) In the beginning of this paper, they discussed the Unitarian and simplistic approach to establishing an ideological agreement and drafting a constitution among Pakistan's major players. To what extent Pakistan's history is consistent and tawdry, it appears that as power 6lites strove to maintain political system unity, it became more certain that it would eventually disintegrate.

(Samdani, 2011) Some districts in South Punjab fared well during implementing the $350 million Access to Justice (AJP) reform programme, which the United Nations Development Programme funded. The district court system successfully implemented infrastructure development and facility improvement programmes for the district judiciary. Police monitoring systems, gender justice, prison reform, bar council reform, and free legal aid are all areas where future initiatives could benefit.

(Waqas & Khattak, 2017) In this system, citizens have a say in policymaking and are encouraged to get involved. Pakistan has a novel and inventive democratic system, but it doesn't have a chance because voters aren't given enough information. Citizens of Pakistan are unable to make educated decisions due to a lack of knowledge about the country's political system, political culture, and legal diversity.

(Javaid & Aslam, 1956) Pakistan's feudal system developed separately from its Indian progenitor. Feudalism is rooted in a matrilineal structure of the family. Pakistan's land reform limits people to owning no more than 36,000 produce index units of land (equal to 500 irrigated acres or 1000 non-irrigated acres).

(Social & Realities, n.d.) Thus, "Changing Patterns of Political Dynamics in Pakistan - Exploring Social and Political Realities at the Grassroots" is a report they were glad to deliver. Nazeer Mahar and Tarik Malik of The Research Initiative (TRI), a close collaborator of FES, authored the paper. Population, literacy, and media use are dissected in Karachi, Nankana, Multan, and Larkana, four of Pakistan's many cities (Northern Sindh). This change is the consequence of national parties reorganizing in response to the outcomes of recent municipal elections.

(Qadir Mushtaq et al., 2013) Pakistan's political class is different from the rest of the globe because of their myopic view. Since Pakistan's creation in 1947, a small number of powerful families have dominated parliament. Most of these families originated in rural or ethnic communities. All things considered, the current scenario is very much like that. Maybe the most fundamental shift was the emergence of new urban, ecclesiastical, and military dynasties. The study's objective is to provide a historical perspective on dynastic politics in Pakistan.

(Asif et al., 2020) An article discussing the formation of a Saraiki or South Punjab province. This article uses descriptive and historical methods of qualitative research to compile its findings. Secondary sources provided the bulk of the data for this analysis. Studies have shown that despite Punjab's status as the most populous province in Pakistan, it is difficult to exert authority over the region from the provincial capital of Lahore. The provincial government has a hard time reaching out to citizens of South Punjab to solve their problems. Rising inequalities prompted renewed and redoubled efforts to establish Saraiki Province.

(Wu & Ali, 2020) The importance of political parties has changed drastically in Pakistan. It took the Tehreek-e-Insaf party only two elections to form a government in Pakistan. To assess our potential to affect change in the intricate political fabric, we studied party dynamics and electoral mechanics. It is difficult to translate these transitions into concrete political realities and policy agendas. Converting these change processes into actual political realities and policy orientations is difficult because it necessitates thinking about structural complexity, internal economic pressures, and external linkages.

(Khan, 2009) The relevant study makes a concerted attempt along these lines. It gives a brief outline of the political and social climate in Punjab both before and after division. Several time periods can be identified in accordance with the etymologically inspired various groups and invaders that have had an effect on the region at various times. To paint a complete picture of Punjab's political and social history, they factored in the effects of each era.

(Jinnah et al., 1965) Pakistan's second constitution was ratified in 1962, with the military firmly in charge. In 1971, during the country's nine-month civil war, Mujibur Rahman established the People's Republic of Bang-ladesh. During that year (1970), the United States had its first nationwide election without a constitutional amendment. Pakistan remains officially named as the Islamic Republic of Pakistan per the country's constitution, which was not amended. On August 14, 1974, FazalIlahi Chaudhry became the first president of Pakistan. On April 10, 1973, the National Assembly officially passed the Constitution of 1973, and on August 14, 1973, it went into effect.

(Awan, n.d.) This piece is meant to give readers some background on the province of Punjab during British control. The main objective is to determine the most critical social, economic, and political issues facing British Punjab. Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs are among the many religious communities whose political standing is examined. The effects of the "Land Alienation Act" on the Punjabi people and the background of canal colonies are now public knowledge. Seldom can two parties benefit from a meeting, but that's exactly what happened between British authorities and Punjabi tribal chiefs.

(Perveen & Dasti, 2014) This piece is meant to give readers some background on the province of Punjab during British control. The main objective is to determine the most critical social, economic, and political issues facing British Punjab. Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs are among the many religious communities whose political standing is examined. The effects of the "Land Alienation Act" on the Punjabi people and the background of canal colonies are now public knowledge. Seldom can two parties benefit from a meeting, but that's exactly what happened between British authorities and Punjabi tribal chiefs.

(Feudalism and Honour Killing, n.d.) Feudalism was a governmental system that existed for a long time in Europe, Asia, Japan, and China. Feudalism was essentially a medieval contract between the upper classes, with a lord awarding land to his warriors in exchange for military service. Lords and their noble vassals reigned from strongholds they constructed in the heart of their estates, concentrating political and economic power in their hands. The end result was a command pyramid. Hence, the term feudalism describes a system in which the distribution of political authority is decentralized among a hierarchy of lesser nobles. Feudalism does not imply any particular type of social or economic relationship between serfs and lords. The term "memorialization" better describes this process.

(Hyder, 2019) The purpose of this research is to ascertain if feudalism has ever stood in the way of human progress. It is commonly held that feudal thought patterns have always stood in the way of efforts to better the lot of the poor and marginalized and to promote the country's overall human development. Indicators of a bad government include a low human development index (HDI).

(Thesis, 2011) This research set out to analyze the impact that political parties in Pakistan have made over the previous two decades. The impact of political parties and their actions on the state's democratic culture is also investigated. The political parties of Pakistan are responsible for a wide range of activities. They represent the public interest, bring together different parties within a political system, and cater to the desires of the general public. Consequences for Pakistan's political system are discussed, as are the inner workings of parties and the criteria for selecting and developing party leaders.

(How Feudalism Hinders Community Transformation and Economic Evolution?: Isn ’ t Equal Opportunity a Basic Human Right?? Murray Hunter, n.d.) One of the pillars of human dignity is the assurance of being treated fairly. Sachs posits that being left behind in economic progress is a contributing factor to people's poverty. Their socioeconomic status could be to blame for their predicament in a variety of ways. The institution of feudalism is a major barrier to economic development. Being a major factor in the perpetuation of poverty, feudalism has not been given sufficient attention in the Millennium Development Goals. This problem has been discussed at several international development conferences, but thus far with little progress1. Because to the difficulty of effecting change, the worldwide survival of feudal institutions may be overlooked. If the Millennium Development Goals only address the symptoms of poverty, they may be in vain.

(The London School of Economics and Political Science Class, Power , and Patronage?: The Landed Elite and Politics in Pakistani Punjab Hassan Javid A Thesis Submitted to the Department of Sociology of the London School of Economics for the Degree of Docto, 2012) The state and the landed elite in the Punjab use legislative interventions, bureaucratic authority, and electoral politics to maintain the status quo in this argument. Finally, this thesis analyzes past efforts to counteract this institutional shift. This is done so that we can better understand what causes problems to arise and how we may use these insights to better shape the future of democratic and citizen-driven governance in the province.

(S. Ahmad & Akbar, 2019) This article provides a historical overview of the country's governing structures alongside an analysis of the administrative and economic effects of each. Pakistan's elites and special-interest organizations have long worked to destabilize the country's government and slow its social and economic development. Pakistan has been ruled by military regimes for the majority of its history due to the country's ineffective political leadership. Now, the country's development is incomplete. New forms of media are emerging to meet the growing demand as the literacy rate rises. There is now a more activist civilian population. The population of Pakistan desires peace, and the country's middle class is expanding.

(D. I. Ahmad & Haq, 2021) When a civilian government takes over in Pakistan, local administrations are revived there after a lengthy hiatus. It has been noted that in the province of Punjab, a lack of decentralization of power has led to a concentration of authority, which has resulted in inefficiencies such as wasted time and energy due to overlapping responsibilities. In this study, we take a close look at how well local government members understand this topic, as well as their perspectives and policies on the matter.

(R. Javed & Mamoon, 2017) The purpose of this parable is to highlight the significance of a country's political stability to its economic growth. Democracies have been sprouting up all over the Middle East, and many people attribute this to the uprisings of the Arab Spring. While the unpredictability of the Arab Spring has contributed to regional instability, the discontent and demonstrations seen in a vibrant democracy like Pakistan exemplify the features of uncertainty that serve to moderate economic volatility. This article briefly discusses the PTI's sit-in protests in 2014 to illustrate how political instability has stunted economic progress in Pakistan.

(Policy & Note, 2020) This note could be used by decision-makers at the Home Office who are handling certain types of protection and human rights claims to collect and analyze COI (as set out in the Introduction section). This is not an attempt to analyze every facet of a certain problem or issue.

(Amin, 1990) Land is of fundamental significance when discussing a country like Pakistan. Around 60% of the population still resides in rural regions and is supported by agriculture. Landowning elites who remained loyal to the British Empire after it withdrew from the subcontinent in 1947 employed political techniques developed during the colonial era. Despite three land reforms, feudal economics have persisted and continue to have a major impact on Pakistani politics. Rather of having a negative impact on farmers' financial stability, agricultural modernization has actually improved it.

(Mussawar et al., 2013) This research compares and contrasts the federalist paradigms of the United States and Pakistan after the passage of the 18th Amendment. The study found that constitutional reform and democratic leadership would help Pakistan make the same successful transition to balanced federalism as the United States.

(Ahmed et al., 2012) Different political systems, including the Presidential, Parliamentary, and Federation models, have all been put to the test in Pakistan. Similarly, the Local Bodies system is different now as a result of these occurrences. It has also been influenced by factors outside of politics and the bureaucracy that governs it. Pakistan's democratic record is dismal. The military has practically been running everything up until very recently. Hence, military regimes were prone to political blunders. Military dictators, in order to sustain and expand their own regimes, have historically built local government institutions to their exact specifications. The article examines the role of politics in establishing it. Furthermore discussed are several historical, social, and political topics.

(Ullah et al., 2017) Although being a part of the Pakistan Muslim League, the Saraiki minority cannot elect a representative to the National Assembly because the party is dominated by Punjabis (N). PML (N) faced considerable hurdles and had to recall its own MPs to their home country since the Saraiki population has been repeatedly ignored by Punjabi-dominated political parties in the National legislature. The Saraiki people as a whole feel disrespected and misunderstood because of this. In 1971, East Pakistan and West Pakistan, as well as the four provinces of Pakistan, were at odds with one another due to the federal government's illogical distribution of resources.

(Zoltan, 2009) For the majority of its existence, Pakistan has been ruled by an authoritarian regime, both in both in action and in declaration. The roots of Pakistan's authoritarian culture can be found in a body of research on the topic. There is a fundamental weakness in our system that has led to the current political and economic crises, as well as terrorist attacks. The discussions are enlightening if the political parties in Pakistan, especially the Muslim League, were weak prior to independence, or if the vice is rooted in the mindset and the causes that existed before independence.

(Alik & Alik, 2018) Since gaining their independence, the shrine elites (p 'rs) have shown surprising electoral strength. They were a political organization in Punjab that had been around even before India was partitioned. Changing political alliances, multiple military operations, marriage relationships among shrine leaders, and the upkeep of political brokerage are all mentioned as potential factors for its longevity. Political monuments symbolic of colonial arrangements of religion, land, and politics serve as constant reminders of these enduring patterns. Understanding Punjab's elites and institutions necessitates a glimpse at the Pîrs. We present a detailed geographical atlas of the religious and politically significant sites in Pakistan.

(Akbar et al., 2020) This research looks at how people in Pakistan's Punjab province are affected politically by their ethnic background. Methods from the quantitative research tradition are used to study the relationship between ethnicity and political evolution. Ethnic democracy, defined as "a system of interconnected institutions that guarantees the full exercise of democratic and political rights for all members of a given ethnic group," is needed.

(M. Javed & Haq, 2021) Instability in Pakistan's parliamentary democracy can be traced to factors like feudal dynasties and social inequalities. This approach has always had the backing of feudal elites, who control the political arena, and deploy the military to protect themselves. The results demonstrate how the social composition of the feudal class undermined democracy. Without social and economic justice, democracy in Pakistan cannot succeed.

(Leghari, 2014) This article investigates the topic extensively and presents some fascinating discoveries. To combat radicalization, it is necessary to address the region's social and economic problems and to adopt and enforce effective rules to monitor and manage madrasahs.

(Akbar Leghari et al., 2020) Residents of District Dera Ghazi Khan, especially those living in tribal and rural areas, supported voting for political leaders based on their caste preferences. Everyone, regardless of literacy, has their own distinct preferences and points of view. It's clear from the data that both Biradari and the caste system have connections to local, state, and national authorities. Voters make an educated decision about which candidate best reflects their values and those of their community at the polls.

Socio-Setup of Post Partition of Southern Punjab

The Punjabis have been under British rule for almost a century. Punjab was once a single province, but today it spans two countries and is divided into four (Ali, 1988). (Ali, 1988). As has been detailed before in this research, the present-day Punjab lies at the geographic center of the newly constituted state, although it was not portrayed on a map until August 14, 1947. The split was finalized on August 14, 1947, after being initially agreed upon on June 3, 1947. Quaid-e-Azam was sworn in as the first Governor General at the same time as Liaquat Ali Khan was sworn in as the first Prime Minister. The modern state was established on the eve of British withdrawal from the area, but the country has a long history that predates the presence of the British (Sayeed, 2000). Punjab was unlawfully divided into West Punjab, whose capital is in Pakistani-controlled Lahore, and East Punjab, whose capital is in Indian-controlled Amritsar, leading to a number of tensions and confrontations. The East Punjab region was divided into the new states of Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, and Punjab during yet another round of state reorganization in 1966. Punjab's agricultural prosperity, industrial development, and military recruitment pre-partition, and the province's growing political power following Dhaka's collapse in 1971, are best understood in the context of colonial history. Since Pakistan's independence, the Punjabi-dominated army has wielded considerable influence over the country's politics thanks to its access to rural and industrial elites made possible by land donations from the Pakistani military and colonial governments (Talbot, 1999). In 1955, Bahawalpur joined the rest of what was then called West Pakistan. (Ahmed, 1995). Rapid development in the Punjab began after the capital was moved from Karachi to Islamabad in 1960. Yahya Khan restored four provinces on July 1, 1970, and disbanded another.

Figure 1

Links between Canals of Southern Punjab and India



There have been several modifications to the administrative organization of Punjab since then, including an increase in the number of districts from 21 to 34 and 36 throughout a total area of 205,344 square kilometers, as well as several governors and chief ministers (Fig 2). At present, governance is vested in the Legislative Assembly, which is led by the Chief Minister and a Governor appointed by the President. District Nazims and Tehsil Nazims were in charge of the administration of districts and tehsils under the Musharraf dictatorship, respectively. The union councils were the lowest level of government in each county. Although this system had been in place prior to Musharraf's reign, it has been temporarily stopped. The population grew quickly. Punjabi is spoken widely, and agriculture remains an important economic activity. In terms of population, it is the most populous province in the country. Almost three hundred times the size of Maldives; twelve and a half times the size of all the people in Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and the Nepalese people (Population Reference Bureau, 2008). Pakistan's 11.4 percent portion of South Asia's population is made up of roughly 56 percent of Pakistanis (Khan, 2009: 123), and 5.93 percent (South Asia). A large portion of Punjab's population lives in rural areas, and the region's high fertility rate has led to dire forecasts that the population could double in just 23 years (Khan, 2008; Talbot, 1999: 39). A total of 97.7 percent of Pakistanis identify as Muslims; 2.3% as Christians; 0.1% as Hindus; 0.3% as Ahmadis; and 0.1% as members of some other faith. 75.2 percent of the population speaks Punjabi, whereas 17.4 percent speak Siraiki, 4.5 percent speak Urdu, 1.2 percent speak Pushto, 0.7 percent speak Baloch, 0.1 percent speak Sindhi, and 0.9 percent speak another language. With 42.5% of the population being under the age of 15, 53.5% between the ages of 15 and 64, and 4% over the age of 65, the age dependence ratio is quite high at 86.9%.

There has been a massive migration to metropolitan regions as a result of the overcrowding in the country. The cities of Kasur, Shaikhupura, and Gujranwala surround Lahore on three sides. There were only 500,000 people living there in 1947, but since then it has grown exponentially. Six or seven million people currently call that area home (PCO, 2001). In addition, there are between 2 and 3 million people living in the cities of Gujranwala and Rawalpindi. Multiple other global cities are home to hundreds of thousands of people. Currently, less than 69% of the population lives in rural areas, while over 31% of the population calls a city home. (Ibid). Saraiki is spoken by the majority of the population in southern and southwestern Pakistan, while Potwari, Hindko, and Punjabi are spoken by the majority of the population north of the Salt Range. Rural communities are undergoing a dramatic change. Mechanization has replaced many of Punjab's traditional farming tools, such as the bull, wooden plough, khra, wooden madhani, and charkha (spinning wheel). Suburbanization and eventual urbanization are transforming many formerly rural areas. Metropolitan regions have expanded beyond recognition whether or not they received aid from central governments. The province's progress has not been consistent or well-organized. Modern socioeconomic data reveal that the feudal system is no longer present in the country's northern and northeastern areas. The north and northeast are home to the bulk of the country's rural populace. Over the previous eight or nine decades, most places have seen significant land fragmentation. Both kanals and maralas are the smallest parcels of land that can be owned individually. As a result of having so little property, some rural homeowners just can't accommodate all of their carts inside the house. Most would-be homeowners simply cannot afford to purchase a plot of land.

Additionally, a new class transition has occurred in Punjab as a result of the expansion of commercialism, the scarcity of inexpensive labour, and mechanization. Wage increases and increased commercialization have rendered the traditional kammi class (rural artisans and other landless laborers) obsolete. Potters, blacksmiths, and woodworkers are disappearing as a profession in many parts of the world. In this case, the price hike has been more beneficial to the barbers than the customers (the peasants). The social structure is changing rapidly, and new class relations are becoming apparent.

Discussion

Although the vast majority of Punjabis still make their living in agriculture, the province has seen some areas experience a surge in industrialization. Lahore, Faisalabad, Gujranwala, and Sialkot are major manufacturing hubs in Pakistan, especially for small capital goods, textiles, surgical supplies, and ancillary items. Agricultural society has been mainly supplanted by an industrial society in these places, which has led to a fundamental transformation in the way people live. Large feudal families could be replaced by industrialists, middle-class farmers, and middle-class urban professionals as capitalism and the industrial base spread and grow. Punjab's principal form of production has stayed mostly unchanged, and as a result, the region's political structure has largely remained feudal. Punjabi politics has not moved beyond its feudal political culture because of its agrarian economic system and lack of a widespread main industrial base. Throughout history, powerful feudal groups have dominated at all levels of government. There have been multiple chief ministers and prime ministers since the feudal era ended. For the most part, Punjab's political fortunes are still restricted by feudal culture thanks to Bradri and the cast system.

5. Discussions

Punjab has a distinct history within South Asia, as is made evident by the timeline. Multiple unchecked alterations and interferences from outside forces have been made to its name, government, politics, and socioeconomic structure. Due of its broad fertile fields, numerous resources, and suitable climatic conditions, it has been a frequent target for invaders. Punjab's central location has made it a hub for numerous ancient cultures. Several saints and religious movements are thought to have been born here. For this reason, the religious and ethnic variety of Punjab is reflected in the cultural mosaic of the province and has a major bearing on its economic and political organization. Borders have shifted back and forth over time as many empires and ethnic groups have invaded and occupied the area. Given its strategic position and geographical isolation, Punjab has always been an important region. Punjab is the "older brother" to the rest of Pakistan because of its sizeable population and significant impact on the country's politics, economy, and culture. Also, this group will probably continue to handle Pakistan's political and other challenges in the future. So, it is essential to remember that even if the old agrarian community is being changed into an industrial society, caste and the Bradri system continue to impact Punjab's general political fortun 

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