The importance of Central Asia for China increased with the change in international power structure, growth of its economy, rapid industrialization and increase in population. China is regarded as the second largest energy consumer in the world while Central Asia has rich energy resources and raw materials complementary for its economic growth. It is interested in the energy resources of Central Asia for the security of its energy supply and a large market for its finished goods. Prior to Central Asian energy resources, China was importing oil from the Middle East. The route of oil supply from M.E to China was passing through Malacca strait, under the control of United States, a perceived rival of China in the world politics. In case of conflict this route may be blocked by United States. This situation worried the Chinese policy makers and prepared a comprehensive policy regarding the energy resources of Central Asian region. Energy is not the only concern of China in Central Asia; it is also worried about the security of its Xinjiang, sharing border with some Central Asian Republics (CARs). About 60% of the population of Xinjiang are Uyghur Muslims. The same ethnic community also exists on the other side of the border in the Central Asian Republics. China has an apprehension that in case of instability in the region, terrorists organizations may instigate the China9apos9s Uyghur for independence. That is why, China is supporting United States in its fight against terrorism. Politically, it wants to reduce the influence of United States in the region by integration with the CARs (Central Asian Republics) through SCO particularly after US military penetration in the region in 2001. Applying a descriptive-analytical approach in the paper, the interests of China in CARs are surveyed.

The study focuses on China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as a great regional, political and economic force, which would lead the region to a prosperous future. The route of CPEC is not only a connection between Gwader and Khunjrab but it is also "a motorway of political economy" which would become a track to development and sustainable prosperity. No doubt, the route leads to cooperation in the transition of resources and increase the bilateral trade partnership but there emerge various questions. The present study provides detailed analysis of how the route connects Asia to Europe and provides access the local markets. The study further recommends that Gwadar Port is one of the shortest ways for China rather than Strait of Malacca or any other international route. At the end, based on an in-depth critical evaluation, the study recommends the strategy of boosting its Political Economy on emergency basis.

This paper attempts to explore the level of variations in the pattern of foreign policies of Pakistan and China to US Afghan strategy. To investigate this question, the paper examines US strategy in Afghanistan. The current administration under Trump and announcement of China Pakistan Economic Corridor further complicated the US presence in Afghanistan. The study analyses the factors that are responsible for differences between Pakistani and Chinese stance. About the results, China's response was an outcome of their foreign policy principles, that is not to indulge in direct clash with the US and Western world. The interests of China in Afghanistan are linked to that of Pakistan, South and Central Asia. China does not want to wage unilateral talks with Taliban at the cost of Pakistan's interests. While on the other hand, post 9/11 2001, Pakistan could not resist the pressure of US policies in Afghanistan because it was heavily dependent on the US, economically, militarily, politically and diplomatically. The respective Political structure and culture; their foreign policy priorities, goals, and tradition; perception of threat and resulting priorities; political and economic dependence; location, policy options and decision-making and professional capabilities of decision making were jointly responsible for their differences.

There are multiple challenges to CPEC,and one amongst many is developmental-ism. In developmental-ism, the idea of development is imposed on the masses without their consent.This paper is an attempt to analyze selected challenges to CPEC along with developmental-ism. The socialization o fdevelopment plans and infrastructure with a social cause tocreates multiple challenges and opportunities. The questions whether a CPEC being a development plan can meet emerging challenges in politics and development? How does CPEC address these challenges? The present study explains the various challenges related to CPEC as a game-changer developmental project. The major challenges are strategic impacts of CPEC on Pakistan, profit rate charged by China on loans regarding CPEC, its effects on Pakistan's balance of payment, environmental issues, security costs, regional and international impacts, etc. The internal and external challenges are also shaping potential threats to mount pressure on the development projects of CPEC, which cause undermine the economic interests of different actors in the region

China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is a strategic game-changer development projects both for China and Pakistan with varying interests.For the successful implementation of CPEC, various cooperation mechanisms were signed between China and Pakistan. This cooperation mechanism has been perceived differently by different stakeholders. The mechanism of cooperation seems like a complex phenomenon due to the interest articulation and contradictions of the capitalist model of cooperation. Moreover, cooperation also needs adaptation to produce and reproduce capital in the case ofCPEC related projects. An attempt has been made in this paper to explore the mechanisms of cooperation on CPEC.Who is benefiting from this cooperation? And how this cooperation mechanism is being translated into a project of game-changer.' In a capitalist structure, the control over means of production and private ownership creates a nature of competition protected by existing institutional arrangements to strengthen a structure of profiteering.Cooperation is totally opposite to competition, and primarily it depends on the socialistic principle of sharing and caring.

China-Pakistan's economic corridor provides a strategic link to Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) and its global outreach. The infrastructural connectivity between China and Pakistan is primarily focused on the trade route to get access in the markets of theMiddle East, Europe, and Africa. In the context of CPEC,what does infrastructure mean? What does it reflect/represent? And to whom is it? Are the major questions that have been explored in this paper.Infrastructural development encompasses a holistic social sphere that relates to physical and institutional structures. It also facilitates the flow of commodities, including capita land sources of production. After the 9/11 incident, Pakistan became a front line state against the war on terror; then, its internal and external factors compelled Pakistan towards Chinese-led infrastructural development to consolidate State power. This paper is an attempt to explore the politics of infrastructure development in the context of CPEC. The findings are based on empirical evidence with strong insights from a theoretical framework. Positivist, post positivist, and critical approaches have been used to explore the relationship between CPEC and the politics of infrastructural development.

This analysis focus corporate social responsibility and executive compensation in China and also tests the relationship between state possession and executive compensation in presence of CSR. The estimated results confirm our hypotheses true in the selected sample of 2011 to 2014 of China. The firms with high CSR performances positively moderate the previously negative or no relationship between state-ownership and executive compensation. Application of 2SLS and GMM guaranteed the robustness of the results to potential endogeneities.

Development' is a political project which is based on a principle of reducing inequalities and poverty. It is a centuries-old concept that is deeply rooted in the history of economic thoughts.From the age of mercantilism to the liberal and neoliberal context, the nature of development has changed drastically. From 1945 to the 1970s, there was a popular liberal model of development under the slogans of 'rightto development. The liberal nature of development tuned into conservatively camouflaged neoliberal development in the 1980s protected by the world bank structural adjustment program. In neoliberal development facade, the development process is emptied from welfarist.Development without welfare and development for underdevelopment are the main characteristics of neoliberal development. This paper is an exploration of the political economy of development, which means development to whom? Through a qualitative approach, it is found that neoliberal forces benefited from CPEC developmental project. The political economy of CPEC is a complex phenomenon that is linked with development, investment, technology, and human resources.

Five Central Asian Republics (CARs) got independence in December 1991 as a result of the collapse of the USSR. Politically, economically, strategically and geographically Central Asia is regarded as the Heart of Asia. This region is the hub of the natural resources. It became a battle ground for the states which have interest in its hydrocarbon reserves. The paper examines the ongoing competition between China and India for the resources of Central Asia. Both of these countries are eyeing the huge potential of trade relations with this large market. They were also trying to create energy partnerships with the gas- and oil-rich region. This resulted in competition between the two countries inof the region. This article describes China and India as competitors in this region. As a neighbouring country, this engagement of China and India has serious implications for Pakistan.

Image Why does China adopt a harmoniously and Co-existence policy? Is this a strategy for international development? This paper is an attempt to explore Chinese co-existence and harmonious policy towards CPEC. China’s co-existence and harmonious policy and CPEC are interconnected to each other. Co-Existence and harmonious policy are two major indicators of Chinese developmental Philosophy.This policy has been inspired by Chinese socialist roots since its revolution in 1949. The noninterference, peaceful co-existence, and harmonious principles are major policies tools that have shape up the Chinese new global development order. Chinese capital accumulation and advancement is based on its policy of ''noninterference.'' These are significant feature of China’s capital accumulation and development model that manufactured new global economic order. The Chinese official stance over global investment policy is harmonious and co-existence, which is embedded in the theory of realism. This seems like one of the successful policies for international cooperation and development. Co-Existence and Harmonious realism are the major determining factor to protect Chinese development interests and its global outreach