Abstract

 Image Why does China adopt a harmoniously and Co-existence policy? Is this a strategy for international development?  This paper is an attempt to explore Chinese co-existence and harmonious policy towards CPEC. China’s co-existence and harmonious policy and CPEC are interconnected to each other. Co-Existence and harmonious policy are two major indicators of Chinese developmental Philosophy. This policy has been inspired by Chinese socialist roots since its revolution in 1949. The noninterference, peaceful co-existence, and harmonious principles are major policies tools that have shapeup the Chinese new global development order. Chinese capital accumulation and advancement is based on its policy of ''noninterference.'' These are significant feature of China’s capital accumulation and development model that manufactured a new global economic order. The Chinese official stance over global investment policy is harmonious and co-existence, which is embedded in the theory of realism. This seems like one of the successful policies for international cooperation and development. Co-Existence and Harmonious realism are the major determining factor to protect Chinse development interests and its global outreach.

Key Words

Harmonious, Co-Existence, China, Pakistan, CPEC.

Introduction

Harmonious and co-existence policy is embedded in Chinese culture. This policy is reflected in its internal ecological conservation to its global outreach towards international development. The CPEC surrounds trade, production of wealth, and distribution of wealth. Chinese harmonious and co-existence policy seem in the interest of Pakistan. This was perceived as an indicator of the successful implementation of CPEC. Marxian analysis suits the present research by keeping the objectives of the study in view. Marx and Engles explain political economy in these words, "Political economy came into being as a natural result of the expansion of trade, and with its appearance elementary, unscientific huckstering was replaced by a developed system of licensed fraud, an entire science of enrichment.” (Engels, Frederick,1844)  

Marxist explanation of political economy equally fits to explore the nature and dynamics of harmonious and co-existence Chinese policy and CPEC.  The framework of political economy elaborates science of un-evenness amongst different geographic places and centralization of wealth in few hands through developmental activities and their narratives. This framework also explains Pakistan, and China's state-to-state relations were the dominant state (China) are striving to exploit the resources of the non-dominant state (Pakistan) through a policy of non-intervention and harmonious co-existence. Pakistan-China interaction on CPEC can be explained based on the exploitative relationship between domination and non-domination.

Methodology

The methodology is the most significant part of the research. The primary question of this research work is the to find the nature of Chinese harmonious and co-existence policy and its relationship with development. Moreover, this research is to find out the epistemological context of the question under investigation, i.e. why, the responses of federating units are in such a way as they are? For conceptualization and segmentation of data, this study is based upon qualitative research in which interviews of policymakers, journalists, and academia has been taken purposively through published sources and social media outlets. Primary sources, including official notifications and minutes of meetings related to CPEC, have been consulted. Other relevant data is collected through books, magazines, journals, and authentic, official websites. As methodology consists of two major parts-one is "method," and the other is "Logy", which means science (knowledge). The theoretical framework of knowledge produced on CPEC has been analyzed on the basis of a qualitative approach that is adequately suitable to explore CPEC. The theoretical, conceptual, and methodological framework provides an insight to analyze and explore key research questions related to the political economy of CPEC and responses of federating units over it. 

The theoretical framework used in the present study is based upon the theory of political economy and developmentalism because it provides the foundations of political economy. As CPEC surrounds trade, production of wealth, and distribution of wealth, Marxian analysis suits the present research by keeping the objectives of the study in view. Marx and Engles explain political economy in these words, “Political economy came into being as a natural result of the expansion of trade, and with its appearance elementary, unscientific huckstering was replaced by a developed system of licensed fraud, an entire science of enrichment.”(Engels, Frederick,1844)  

We are concerned with the background and dynamics of the reservations of least developed 'Federating Units' and regions regarding CPEC. Weak and small provinces are of the view that Punjabi dominated federal system overshadows their due share in CPEC. This resentment is not against CPEC at all; rather, it's against the unjust distribution of developmental projects, i.e., out of 336 projects, Punjab is given 176 projects. The ruling elite in the Punjabi dominated Federation is steering CPEC, not for the sake of the masses or working class of Punjab but for the traditional elitist minority to further strengthen their hegemony.

Discussion

The noninterference, peaceful co-existence, and harmonious Chinese policy are major policies that have shapeup the Chinese new global development order. Chinese capital accumulation and advancement is based on its policy of ''noninterference.'' It is the most significant feature of Chin's capital accumulation which advertised and propagated as the economic principle that manufactured a new global economic order. Chinse foreign policy is reflected in the following diagram. 



Lynch, D. (2009). Chinese Thinking on the Future of International Relations: Realism as the Ti, Rationalism as the Yong? The China Quarterly, 197, 87-107.




Moreover, "the primary purpose of the National Security Commission of China (NSCC) is to engage in negotiations and dialogue on equal grounds to cope up disputes and make peaceful co-existence possible. China adopted a fair and reasonable new international order to guarantee security and peace". (Shambaugh DL, 2013). The chinses proactive and active role depends upon regional and international factors. These factors have a contributing role in Chinese international outreach. China has involved itself in different regional and international forums to protect its interests. China’s international diplomacy is also linked with realism, whose main purpose is to protect the country's interest. It engages itself with international organisations but remains neutral on issues like human rights and climate change etc. 

The scholars on Chinese politics highlighted that China’s state behavior is linked with its historical insecurities. This type of knowledge is apparently more appealing, but in a neoliberal context, it is more related to market-driven Chinses foreign policy. The continued internal threats of different secessionist movements have moved China to get engagement and coalitions with anti-secessionist movements. This adoptive policy further led to the cohesiveness of Chinese national boundaries (Karatasli S, Kumral S, 2017). These sentiments of anti-secessionists and external cross-border security threats jointly combined with the economic interests of the Chinese government. These internal and external compulsions "seem to push China to preserve the global status quo in a very consistent manner" (Karatasli S, Kumral S, 2017). Among some other factors, Karatasli and Kumral (2017) also cite other examples related to issues that encompass China's role in South Sudan during the direct actions of multilateral organizations and international powers. 

The Chinese model of international development is also affected by the internal dynamics of the aid recipient country. The secessionist movement of South Sudan gained political power, and then the Chinese diplomatic tussle grew in the region. South Sudan was an important geographical area for serving the economic interests of China. In 2001, South Sudan got an attraction of international reputation. The human rights and secessionist problems paved the way towards a strong bilateral Western coalition partnership. China tried diplomatically to keep Sudan under unified control by playing a role of a mediator up to the successful succession. China also continued its efforts to build trade relations with South Sudan after its independence; in 2011 (Karatasli S, Kumral S, 2017). 




Source: https://geology.com/world/china-satellite-image.shtml

 

Moreover, in the case of Namibia, the Chinese non-intervention policy is an exceptional one. In some other parts in Africa, China also adopted a different policy that went beyond its noninterventionist approach. For example, China extended its diplomatic support to the "Black Nationalist Liberation Movement against apartheid and white domination of South Africa" (Larmer B, 2017). It was China who extended its support to Namibia when it claimed independence in 1990. This move towards political character on the Chinese part needs to be examined in the context of its diplomatic isolation after launching a severe crackdown on protestors at Tiananmen Square 1989. Such explanations showed that how China is turned towards preserving political control in the name of stability and moved towards intolerant behavior inside its borders and regionalist ambitions outside by favouring centralization of policies and keeping regional forces at a distance. It can be expected that China will never support regional elites who are making and claiming diverging points of view towards central planning on CPEC. Chinese history shows that it is not in a position to give concessions, tolerate, or even provide autonomy to the regionalist forces. China also has internal fear from the regionalist forces, and state's turned towards strong centralization policies. 

The Chinese official rhetoric on global investment policy is primarily based on 'noninterference,' which drives external affairs and foreign policy. The core objective of the external policy is to maximize the interests on the principle of harmonious co-existence. China also realizes the limit of noninterference and giving importance to the protection of its economic and developmental interests (Power M, Mohan G, 2010).  For instance, the policy regarding the exercise of veto power in UN Security Council and giving permission to authorize peacekeeping mission for Darfur. This has been done by putting the necessary pressure on Khartoum to permit UN peacekeeper operations (Hansen S, 2008). The change in the foreign policy of China is driven by its business interests and concern over "a backlash and the potential damage to its strategic and economic relationships with the United States and Europe" (Ahlbrandt S, 2008). Moreover, this emerging movement is to be understood carefully as China has not yet experienced any fundamental change in the value system. Economic interests seem to remain on the top priority. Despite its rapidly increasing participation and involvement with the United States, China is not sharing its rhetoric of democracy and human rights (Karatasli S, Kumral S, 2017). Although "China's foreign policy has shown flexibility, it is important to note that Chinese presence in the Global South is driven by certain national and economic interests. China has also shown enthusiasm to give up its noninterference position if its national and economic interests require it. Similarly, in Pakistan, China showed such flexibility by supporting and pushing for a security establishment's which led to a securitization of CPEC" (ibid). The involvement of the military in developmental sphere was also in the national interest of China. China also established a military alliance with Pakistan to fight against Uighur militants in North Waziristan. Keeping in historical perspectives, China's government was more comfortable to negotiate with the military elite in Pakistan as compared to civilian government (Small A, 2015).  Therefore, military elite's power in Pakistan is directly linked with Chinese development projects, and it seems to be continued unless there is a serious local or international resistance to this trend.

The analysis of the Chinese national interests and foreign policy led to a conclusion that the Chinese have little motivation and interest to change an imbalance of power in Pakistan that is being intensified by China Pakistan Economic Corridor. China has the intention to preserve the political status quo and stability in its bilateral relations with Pakistan. This bilateral tendency is reflected by a no-strings, noninterference aid policy and showing reluctance to intervene in internal matters by extending respect to territorial sovereignty and integrity. The most important driver of Chinese foreign policy is based on national interests as per realist theory. This policy sometimes contradicts from its principles of non-interventionism. For instance, China requires to preserve political stability but completely against to the ambitions and desires of regionalist forces, which create problems to federal democracy or even create problems to regionalism within its own territory. Considering this concern, the Government of China is expected to not react well to a regional elite but make diverging claims towards centralized planning of CPEC. Some critics considered CPEC is an emerging East India Company. It seems that "unless there is a national or international backlash against the effects of CPEC on Pakistan's political-economic structure, CPEC can be expected to maintain the status quo of power structures of the Pakistani state" (Small A, 2015), which led to alienate underprivileged from the arena of development. 

State Harmonious Policy, Capital and Politics of CPEC

State and capital have a direct relationship with each other. State dominated by the elite tried to accumulate capital through developmental narratives on CPEC, which is a tool of state visibility in masses.  'State' intends to show its presence to accumulate capital for its elite. The basic formation of the state is to protect elite interests. The state used different tactics popularly known as ideological state apparatuses in Althusser's theory. As per this theory, both China and Pakistan are using developmental rhetoric's to get maximum benefits to its ruling class. Pakistan's media and advertising agencies are massively using pictures of the political elite for the propagation of the state development agenda. On different project sites, along with huge billboards, the pictures of Pakistani Prime Minters, previously Nawaz Sharif and currently Imran Khan with military Chief and President Xi Jinping's were carefully projected. Ruling political parties in Pakistan's political system are struggling to maximize their vote bank on these projects, but infrastructural development is much deeper than an ocean of interest of the political regime. The state-led infrastructure development is more political and is linked with elite interests. To better understand the relationship between state and infrastructure in the case of Pakistan, there is a need to deconstruct the Pakistani state into the central state, regional elites, and military and analyze the role of these power groups in the politics of developmentalism in Pakistan. The state development model is reflected in the following diagram.

 

Table 1.

	Military Developmentalism	Developmentalism Network	Bureaucratic Developmentalism
Collective Development Strategies	Building Industry by Underwriting Key Features of Industrial Organization • Provision of markets • Creation of related Professions • Funding Research	Building National Champions by Managing Dependency • Strategic Use of Protectionism • Industrial Subsidies • Domestic Banking	Building Global Regions by Mediating Global Connection ·   Building local networks around Global Capital. ·   Taking Local Innovation networks Global.
Institutions
Embeddedness	Embedded in Military Industrial Complex Big Science and Domestic	Embedded in Domestic Capital	Multiply embedded in capital fractions of domestic and international capital
Autonomy	Military Secrecy and National Security	Coherence of State Bureaucracy	Valorization of Industrial Development Agencies
Accountability	High Quality Criteria	Bureaucratic Rules and Performance Measures	External Evaluations of Benchmarks

Source: SO Riain.(2006).Dominance and change in the global computer industry: Military, bureaucratic, and network state developmentalism, Springer

 

Infrastructural developmentalism presently in the form of CPEC presupposes that economic development strategies are primarily a result of political designs. In such a political design market are allowed to play a major role. Developmentalism being a framework of understanding CPEC infrastructural has a crucial relationship with the will of citizenship and their deliberative political representation in developmental sphere. Economic liberalism sees development whether it is in the shape of CPEC or else is a result of exogenous institutions structured by international agencies and the economic elites that designed to defend the interests of the rentier financier and economic liberalism. Projection of CPEC as a game-changer is being used by the economic elite to structure the infrastructural conditions for accumulation of wealth under the rhetoric of economic liberalism. How does dominant elite in a state manage to coordinate with each other and even the Federation itself seems to be critical in the prism of developmentalism. The study reflects that political objective, distribution of national wealth and resources through constitutional and administrative mode are a significant setback to Federation. To make collaboration with federating units on CPEC, there is a need to achieve a common goal which is a core foundation of Federalism. The study also focused on challenges and prospects of CPEC which are directly linked with deliberative political representation of Federating Units. Inclusive Federating structure, consensus and social cohesiveness are the key ingredients to achieve successful results of CPEC. Social cohesiveness and inclusive inclusion of political will of Federating Units lie in shared common social history, common interests and common political objectives being their linkages with social emancipation, material well-being, freedom, social justice and preservation of the environment and the individual obligations involved in political sphere. Developmentalism's core idea (Bu?ra, A. 2017) is that a nation's productive structure may be suboptimal and can be improved through active economic policy. The concept is primarily based on the notion that some economic activities are more conducive than others to establish a structure of welfare. Moreover, on the other side, neo-classical economic theory (neoliberalism) is based on David Ricardo's theory of international trade, where international trade is conceived as nations bartering the same 'quality' labor hours. The standardized theory of economic postulates that international trade brings nations closer to each other in terms of income. "On the other hand, developmentalism naturally understands that the integration of one nation with Stone Age technology and another nation with advanced high-tech technology will result in one nation specializing in being poor and the other nation specializing in being wealthy". (Rankin, K. N. 2002).

Political economy of CPEC along with an analysis of the responses of federating units is a complex phenomenon which is linked with the idea of development and requirement of investment, technology and development of human resources which led to expedite economic growth. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is an opportunity for Pakistan to develop its infrastructure and boost its economic development. CPEC is not merely a trade agreement; rather it will enhance strategic, political, cultural and social relations between China and Pakistan. CPEC has mainly two components - the corridor and the projects. The corridor component is about US$11 billion and the projects US$34 billion which consists of 75 percent of the total CPEC cost. The highest focus is on infrastructural projects with an investment worth US$ 36 billion. In November 2016, China declared another investment worth US$ 8.5 billion in which US$ 4.5 billion for upgrading main railway line from Karachi to Peshawar and US$ 4 billion towards a Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) terminal and transmission lines, thus making the Chinese investments in Pakistan to the tune of US$ 62 billion under CPEC (Kohli, 2016).

CPEC is considered as China's flagship program in its 'One Belt One Road' project which is President Xi Jinping's initiative for connectivity and cooperation between China and 'Eurasia' (Europe and Asia). Meanwhile, Iran and Turkmenistan have also expressed their willingness to be part of CPEC, primarily to have access to 'warm waters' of the Arabian Sea through Gwadar Port. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif during his visit to Turkmenistan on November 26, 2016 claimed that many countries, including Russia, had expressed their willingness to join CPEC. According to him half of the world would be benefiting from the project. Initially, Russia had denied (November 29, 2016) Pakistani reports that it was considering joining CPEC, but later the Russian envoy to Pakistan supported CPEC and described it as "important" for Pakistani economy and regional connectivity. This regional integration will also change the parameters of Pakistan's foreign policy (Perlez, Janet, and Keith Bradsher., 2017).

The present study analyses the political economy of CPEC by exploring the responses of federating units. Megaprojects are usually carried out to uplift the living standards of the common masses by employing 'infrastructuralist' and 'developmentalist' approaches, but in the real sense, the traditional ruling elite tailor such projects to serve their own interests. Workers, peasants, technicians, engineers, and common citizens are exploited, and their living standard falls due to lack of facilities and un-dignified wage as concentration of capital in few hands resulted to marginalize workers. Megaprojects are started by exploiting the resources of taxpayers, whereas benefits are pocketed by the capitalists, feudal lords, and civil-military bureaucracy. Deliberately, such projects are initiated which benefit only a fringe of the society. Whereas the welfare projects like provision of pure drinking water, promoting free learning, free medical facilities etc are neglected.

The main endeavor of this study is to develop and encourage critical approaches to the political economy, investigate the dominant paradigm, and provide a vision for alternative. By its nature, the CPEC is being projected as economically beneficial to Pakistan. But there are voices from federating units that reflect to capitalize this opportunity to uplift their least developed and economically ignored regions. Development of any country means the development of its people and the meaning of development encompasses indiscriminate and irrespective development and upsurge of its people. The existing and dominant notion of development, growth, power relations and social justice is related with the ruling class. The underprivileged factions of the society are exploited and the rich get richer, poor the poorer. According to Marx, any 'nationalist movement' not based upon class struggle causes further exploitation. Particularly, in the case of CPEC, the main aim of the study is to analyze the concerns of federating units having linkages with 'nationalist movements' led by the agents of the same traditional elitist group. The Marxist literature on political economy focuses that real representation of the working class is only confined to itself, not the "bourgeois". Common masses are deliberately kept away from the decision making process. Keeping in view the situation prevailing in Pakistan, different Federating Units have sheer resentments against each other and the Federal government because of unjust and unequal distribution of resources. The federating units and their least developed regions are yet struggling to get equal opportunities in resource allocation. CPEC needs to address the resentment of all the provinces, Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) and Azad Jammu and Kashmir by reducing the unevenness. The following table shows the trends of development in the public sphere of Pakistan. Development and infrastructure is a significant determinant of voter representation relationship. The voter's motivation towards any political party is about an individual freedom incentive which is objectified by representation to manufacture electoral consent. (Fatton, Robert, 1986) A large number of respondents expressed their vote motivation factors that include development schemes, personal problems, faction/biradary and religious ideology etc. The responses indicate 32% development, (Allinson, Jamie C., and Alexander Anievas, 2007) 5% access to state resources, 2% good governance, (Joseph, Jonathan, 2013). 18% change,  23% solution of problems, 1% kinship ties, 6% religious-political ideology, 1% manifesto, (Winter, Isobel, 1977) and 11% chose none of these options.

 

Table 2. Vote Motivation

Vote Motivation	Indicators	Responses	Percentage
	Development	255	32
	Access to State Resources	39	5
	Governance	15	2
	Slogan of Change	146	18
	Personal Problems	187	23
	Birthday / Faction	10	1
	Religious-Political Ideology	51	6
	Party Manifesto	10	1
	None of These	86	11

Source: Compilation and tabulation from survey taken by researcher during fieldwork. Survey instrument is attached in annexure

There is an important reference about the self-motivated voters such as belief in democracy are often influenced by social biases among different social groups. The high ratio of general interest in politics clearly endorse relative high literacy and middle-income urbanized region’s characteristics. The small number of respondents showing general disinterest in politics attributed to violence, intimidation and electoral irregularities or corruption keep them away. There is no indication of any difference of general interest between male and female respondents. Thus, rural and urban respondents share views on general political interest. The general perception about high participation of rural voters than their urban counterparts. However, survey data contradicts any such voting cynicism about urban voters. Hence the general trend among most of respondents indicate that development and problem solution is major motivation behind voter’s party choice. The other important motivation is change of system, good governance and access to state resources as indicator of subjective freedom that quickly takes form of electoral consent. The voter demand is an expression of electoral consent manufactured through political rhetoric as an objective freedom. While respondents with high income and high literacy in region depict high trend of general political interest. However, 6% of respondents chose religious-political ideology as an indicator of anti-populist ideological imperatives remain bargaining instrument among various contesting political parties. 

Conclusion

Chinese harmonious and co-existence policy have a great influence of development projects around the world. CPEC is also influenced by this policy. Infrastructural developmentalism presently in the form of CPEC presupposes that economic development strategies are primarily a result of political designs. In such a political design market are allowed to play a major role. Harmonious and co-existence policy seem a way towards understanding CPEC infrastructures. Harmonious co-existence on chinses part is working well, but when it interacts through infrastructural and developmentalism with other developing countries like Pakistan, then it create problems and unrest. Economic liberalism sees development whether it is in the shape of CPEC or else is a result of exogenous institutions structured by international agencies and the economic elites that designed to defend the interests of the rentier financier and economic liberalism. Projection of CPEC as a game-changer is being used by the economic elite to structure the infrastructural conditions for accumulation of wealth under the rhetoric of economic liberalism. How does dominant elite in a state manage to coordinate with each other and even the Federation itself seems to be critical in the prism of developmentalism. The study reflects that political objectives, distribution of national wealth and resources through constitutional and administrative mode are a significant setback to Federation. To make collaboration with federating units on CPEC, there is a need to achieve a common goal which is a core foundation of federalism. The study also focused on challenges and prospects of CPEC which are directly linked with deliberative political representation of Federating Units. Inclusive federating structure, consensus and social cohesiveness are the key ingredients to achieve successful results of CPEC. Social cohesiveness and inclusive inclusion of political will of Federating Units lie in shared common social history, common interests and common political objectives being their linkages with social emancipation, material well-being, freedom, social justice and preservation of the environment and the individual obligations involved in political sphere. 

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