Abstract

Regional politics, safety dynamics, and national protection of South Asia are intensely interlinked with the traditional and non-traditional issues prevailing. A substantial effort and energy are converted into procuring the weapons instead of working towards economic growth. All these crises will have a profound consequence on regional security, ultimately affecting the peace of the rest of the International Community. Superpowers fulfilling their malign agendas through smaller States against Pakistan, Afghanistan, and India in the South Asian region with the promise of aid. The functional regional security architecture is critical to secure South Asia’s development and security. The tower should be capable of vending with traditional and non-traditional security dilemmas.

Key Words

Regional Security, Security Architecture

Introduction

India is located in the middle of South Asia, surrounded by Pakistan, Bhutan, Afghanistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Maldives, and Myanmar, which are currently the focus of all world attention. Due to the complex nature of border disputes and religious extremist movements, the region has been categorised by the continuous interplay of economic, security, and diplomatic elements strengthening one another. It is supported by the region's three nuclear-armed states—China, Pakistan, and India—and their conflicting strategic and political objectives. In truth, the region has seen three  wars—two Indo-Pak and one Sino Indian war—as well as a number of lesser intermittent and ongoing border clashes. From this point forward, regional safety and peace will be threatened repeatedly by war or relatively close-to-war crises brought on by uncertainty, mutual suspicion, and enmity. The US strategic understanding  with India, which is widely perceived as one aimed against China, and the execution of joint naval training with India in the port of the Indian Ocean coincide with the role reenacted by Russia vis-à-vis China and India, have gone further to constitute a special dimension making stability and security  moreover embroiled with extra-regional strengths.

One cannot deny that Afghan dynamics are unrelated to US draws or constrained stability by grouping China, India, and Pakistan with Afghanistan, preferable. However, it is almost probable that US policymakers will place less importance on chaos in Afghanistan than on terrorism and turmoil in Pakistan. And more so than the other way around, Pakistan's progress will contribute to peace in Afghanistan. Pakistanis specifically are concerned about non-state armed groups established in Afghanistan. As the framework we are showing supports this idea, Iran, Russia, and to a lesser extent the Gulf states will undoubtedly play important roles in the region. India is building up its military capabilities in accordance with its significant strategic concentration on China rather than Pakistan. However, Pakistan is strategically focused on recovering its economy, fending off India and Afghanistan, and enhancing its nuclear weapons capabilities in accordance. If this dynamic persists, there is a greater risk that their nuclear weapons will be accidentally used or fall into wrong hands. And let's assume that Pakistan's responses to concerns about India continue to redirect investment and military resources away from countering domestic extremists and destroying their safe havens. Maintaining regional power and fostering stability will be difficult in the situation. The United States may contribute to an amiable South Asia, the heart of which lies in a stronger partnership between India and Pakistan, through defense cooperation, diplomacy, economics, development aid, and other means. Additionally, it can help to lessen internal threats in Afghanistan as well as the uncertainty  

between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Pakistan is an economic and military ally  of Beijing because to the nature of China's bilateral relations and competition  with India. Since Afghanistan offers financial support, it is best to pursue these objectives through a strategic plan that acknowledges China and is tactful regarding what the United States can achieve on its own.

Primary Concern Over The Use And Proliferation Of Cbrn

The United States has long favoured preventing the use, loss of control, and stockpiling of chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) lances and abilities, particularly nuclear, and will continue to do so for the years ahead. The main concerns in South Asia centre on fears of a nuclear escalation between Pakistan and India, as well as how nuclear energy, weapons, and, to a lesser extent, chemical weapons, are produced, gathered, transported, and used, mostly in Pakistan. Despite its low likelihood, a nuclear incident by either country would seriously undermine the stability and economics of the region. It would also be extremely damaging to regional, global, and security if a radical group or rogue battalion of the Pakistani military acquired radiological or nuclear weapons.




Countering Violent Extremism

Since over two decades ago, the United States has been concerned about the potential for non-state armed groups to engage in violent aggression, threaten state institutions, and spark  conflicts along ethnic  and sectarian lines as well as between states. The United States, its citizens, and its installations have repeatedly been attacked by international terrorist groups. Thus, incorporating the spread of violent extremism has been more popular, especially since the 2001 terrorist attacks on the US homeland known as 9/11. In order to plan that operation, Al Qaeda used Afghanistan as a sanctuary. In response, the US gathered its resources to identify potential global locations for other illegal shelters. In fact, there is continued unease along the Pakistani-Afghanistan border. All of the South Asian nations have violent radical political groups, but Pakistan's candidates are particularly concerning. Several target Afghanistan, a small number Pakistan, others mark the state of India, and some target rival ethnic, political, or religious groups. Significantly pose a real threat to the long-term peace and stability in the region  (D’Souza 2017).




Encouraging Economic Stability and Balance

In 2017, US trade with India exceeded $126 billion, and Pakistan is a large country with a strong middle class, which suggests tremendous opportunity. However, economics has a more major moderating effect on nearly every country in the region of South Asia: the more benefits that come with utilizing South Asian companies, the more invested these nations are in maintaining international peace  (Office of United States Trade Representitive 2018).This might theoretically apply quite significantly to China, which is a big trading partner of India. China, however, is also a military foe of both India and the United States. The United States calmly appreciates India's rise as a military force capable of balancing and conventionally constraining China in the Asia-Pacific area on the strength of its sizable economy.

Pakistan Close Ties with China

Pakistan and China have had many notable collaborations. In 2013, they agreed on a memorandum for the development of CPEC, an integral part of the Belt and Road Initiative. By constructing a pipeline with road infrastructure spanning 3,000 km, China will get access to the Indian Ocean. With access to Gwadar Port, China will be only 400 kilometres from the Strait of Hormuz, and Xinjiang will be connected to the Indian Ocean. Aside from promoting business and commerce, the area might give Chinese forces in the region naval approval, assist China in securing its maritime cords of communication, and differentiate between the alleged US and Indian troops in the area and the Malacca dilemma  (Hussain 2017).  As deficits with China keep the country afloat and led to the fictitious "Dept-Trap" diplomacy, the schemes have also worried Pakistan's bureaucracy and lawmakers. Loaning nations use various tools to put borrowing governments at a disadvantage due to their high debt levels, affecting both their external and internal affairs. However, since diplomatic associations were established in 1951, they have continued to be significant. China and Pakistan have supported one another in conflicts across the globe. As the BRI took hold in Pakistan, relationships became more entrenched. In response to amplified Chinese partaking in the disputed area and the Indian Ocean, India increased its understanding of the area and strengthened its naval capabilities to defend its claims. As a result of the coalition's strengthening, the US is now paying more attention to Chinese training and the implications Pakistan's strategic geographic location entails. China tried to strike a balance by supporting Pakistan through its military, economy, and political stability while also attempting to allay India's concerns by suggesting anti-terror cooperation.

India is concerned about the potential consequences for the management of its rivals in its claimed territories. China's BRI travels across the region of Kashmir that Pakistan currently occupies, endangering Indian sovereignty. Numerous conflicts between India and China along their enlarged borders have led to a general feeling of unhappiness among people in both countries. Despite China and the United States' desire for stability and resilience in the region, India and Pakistan continue to clash and struggle to resolve one another's issues. Additionally, Pakistan's military has a tendency to meddle in external political events in Islamabad and attempts to reduce comparable conflicts have often been thwarted by terrorism that originates in Pakistan's regions  (Khan 2010).

Despite strong statements about how Chinese acquisitions operate in the country, Pakistan adopted a supportive inclination regarding Bejing and its foreign policy. The International Crisis Group has seen regional communities from places like Sindh and Balochistan to be dissatisfied. The harvest from the investments hasn't dribbled down. Anger has been sparked by the massive sum of raw materials being extracted, the massive number of criminal Chinese immigrants receiving work permits, and  eviction of entire towns.




India’s Stake in South Asia 

Due to the BRI and Chinese intervention, relationships between India and Pakistan have not experienced significant changes. Pakistan and India have always been interdependent, but China's acquisition of Pakistan gives India cause for concern.

Despite being bad, ties between Sri Lanka and India have never resulted in a violent clash, unlike in Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Nepal. India has always been a dependable ally of Sri Lanka; the only thing that has caused friction is India's cynical attitude. India continues to have a substantial influence on Sri Lanka's foreign policy. In 2018, Sri Lanka urged China to refrain from using Hambantota for military purposes after India objected in 2014 when submarines breached the port. Politicians in Sri Lanka also applaud India's acquisitions. The Sri Lankan administrations have worked to build an alliance and mutual respect. Nevertheless, because of domestic political issues like the never-ending Tamil conflict or just general delinquency, India's foreign policy has not been particularly communal  (Miglani 2018).

With China's rise, India strengthened ties with the Sri Lankan government and started to give more weight to its mostly ignored "Neighborhood First" policy. Sri Lanka has also taken a significant amount of BRI support. China receives a variety of naval capabilities from Sri Lanka to operate in the Indian Ocean. Due to Sri Lanka's geography and strategic location, China is allowed to build deep seaports for mooring massive ships. Additionally, it eases the passage of Chinese commerce ships through the region. The Sri Lankan dock might serve as a barrier between China and its asset nations in the West, which is another benefit. Plans by China to build oil refineries in Sri Lanka could advance that goal  (Jayawardene 2018)..

Since India intervened in Sri Lanka's civil war in 1987 by stationing a peacekeeping contingent there, relations between the two countries have not been particularly strong  (Ganguly 2002).

With statements from the presidents stated above, such as Srisena and Mahinda Rajapaksa, reflecting India's gloomy outlook about their governments, Sri Lankan politicians have consistently criticized the bossy personality of Indian politicians. India refused to help Sri Lanka with its development initiatives and withdrew from the Hambantota Port expansion, thereby allowing China access to Sri Lanka's economy. Due to Hambantota, relations between China and Sri Lanka have improved, and as of now, China has invested almost $15 billion, largely since 2013. Under the BRI pennant, the Hambantota contract was amended in 2017  (Jayawardene 2018).Bangladesh is receiving aid from China, but India and Bangladesh's proximity in terms of geography and culture will prevail. India can use Bangladesh's issues and appeals against it to strengthen relations at any point. Marking bridge projects, trade agreements, and other transport-related contracts would help India maintain equilibrium with China, according to Prime Minister Modi, who has consistently shown optimism toward Sheikh Hasina  (Press Trust of India 2018).The Teesta water dispute, caused by water-sharing rights of the Teesta River, a tributary of the Brahmaputra between Bangladesh and India, will put pressure on India to solve other issues (Roy, 2018). Bangladesh, the lower riparian country, which is affected by New Delhi’s projects on the river, is disappointed that India has avoided discussions about the issue.

India’s Look East/Act East Policy

Under Prime Minister Modi's direction, the Look East/Act East policy emphasizes acting in a balanced manner and establishing connections with countries in Southeast Asia and East Asia. Indian diplomacy to deepen ties with nations like South Korea and those in ASEAN is built on the Act East strategy. Under Act East, India set out on a mission to increase commerce, strengthen bilateral ties, and attract investments in a variety of industries, including food processing, motorways, auto parts, etc. In collaboration with Japan, India launched a development plan for the Northeastern Region (NER). The two nations combined their respective Act East and Open and Free Indo-Pacific initiatives, signing a joint agreement in 2017 to build the India-Japan Act East. As part of the agreement, Japan provided assistance in developing the NER, the tower of roadways, and other plans that might connect the area to Southeast Asia  (Haokip 2011). The Act East policy may have given India the impression that it had a great journey, but the reality has been quite different. India has not been able to increase trade between Japan and South Korea. The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) and Multi-Sectoral Technical Cooperation (MSTC) has strengthened India's emphasis in developing infrastructure and transport connectivity with adjacent regions. India is a member of several regional organizations, but its chances of achieving its goals for regional expansion were limited by the inability of countries to come to an agreement and China's participation in other regional forums  (Jha 2018). 

India has started the MAUSAM Project in 2014, which aims to re-establish India's marine trade routes with its long-standing trading partners in the Indian Ocean. The plan will prioritize monsoons and the intrinsic wind patterns that guide trade routes in the region while fostering links between people on a cultural and economic level. The 39 countries have not yet shown a great deal of support for the policy. Along with signing numerous bilateral agreements, India has worked to forge profitable relationships between its neighbours.




Bangladesh Road To Development

To the dismay of India, Dhaka became a member of  BRI in 2016, and since then, bilateral ties with Beijing  have grown. Bangladesh is geographically surrounded by India on three sides, and  Bay of Bengal on the fourth.  With India, Bangladesh shared fifty four  rivers, making it vulnerable to raw water-based disasters. Floods and Bangladesh's inadequate infrastructure frequently destroy the country's people and vegetation, which adds to the agony. The severe absence of ports, roads, and power plants in Bangladesh makes the BRI an excellent platform for monitoring changes. Due mostly to Western countries' neglect of Bangladesh, Padma Bridge has come to represent China's rising relevance in Bangladeshi politics. The bridge was not one of the seven projects that the World Bank and China agreed to finance, but because of corruption issues, the World Bank withdrew its financial sustenance for the project, leaving an opening that China occupied  (Ladislaw 2018).

. Bangladesh has been wary despite petitions expressing concern over the deficit trap. Bangladesh accepted investments from private investors, public-private partnerships, and the Japanese International Aid Agency, and its foreign minister declared that the country would "never will" ask China for more loans. The fear of Indian hostility and the deteriorating relationship between the current leaders have served as further arguments for this thorough approach. Bangladesh's foreign policy will unavoidably be influenced by India's proximity and geography. Out of total debt of $33 billion, $10 billion of it is owed by Bangladesh to China. But in recent years, it has expanded dramatically, matching and surpassing India in estimates like expected life expectancy.

China’s Role in South Asia

Chinese President Xi ,  officially launched the BRI in 2013. The BRI is regarded as the keystone strategy of the Chinese Communist Party's  principles in terms of finances and trade. It aims to strengthen China's connections with the rest of the world by developing its infrastructure and forging stronger political and cultural ties. The Maritime Silk Road attempts to link China to the North Sea by connecting Malaysia, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Djibouti, the Suez Canal, Italy, and Greece in between. The goal of achieving connectivity has been both sea- and land-based. China aims to correlate itself with the Western origins of its oil through this connection. But also essentially make up for its shortcomings in South and Southeast Asia. The presence of Indian and US battalions in the Indian Ocean is one of the pressing issues. suspicion of a siege of the Strait of Malacca, over which the majority of Chinese imports pass, and acts of piracy in the Indian Ocean pass, putting China's mercantile activities in peril. This province is significant for  BRI, and China has instigated large-scale initiatives that allow China to connect to the Indian Ocean while underestimating the hazards posed  (Hussain 2017).

It incorporates the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC),  which in turn contains  a number of solar, coal, and wind power projects in Pakistan and the  Hambantota Port, the Colombo Port City project, the Norochcholai Power Plant Sri Lanka, as well as a number of other projects in Myanmar. Smaller nations like Bangladesh, Maldives, and Nepal have been drawn into China's sphere of influence as well. Targeting these nations' anxieties, China has blamed India and a lack of international aid for their economic stagnation. For a very long period, India's neglect of the political and economic concerns of smaller nations has been put on hold. These countries are members of the  BRI and have received significant funding through this platform; some of them have already agreed to accept billions of dollars in acquisition to fund infrastructure projects. However, the funding had drawbacks, including a huge loan deficit, increased Chinese bureaucratic influence, a number of labour and working rights concerns, exorbitant interest rates, and, in some cases, the extensive seizure of land and ports to make up for an increasingly unfavorable trade disparity  (Bajoria 2018).

Despite these challenges, these alliance partners have developed ties with Beijing  as the most practical and sensible ally in the region against all sorts of hostility displayed by New Delhi. 

against India and to protect their standing in the race for economic development. As a result, China is now strengthening and exerting  its influence over smaller South Asian states  to further its foreign policy and contain New Delhi's rising economic and geostrategic standing.  In terms of Indian foreign policy, we observe a subtle transition being adopted by the  current government. To increase its influence, India is beginning  to look at its neighbouring nations, mainly those in the South East and East as  shown in its Look East policy and the project including Bhutan, Nepal, India, and Bangladesh. India established "Neighbourhood First" and other allocation programs independently or in cooperation with nations like the US and Japan. The second item on the agenda is to examine the multipolar aspects of policy changes and diplomatic relations as a result of the expansion of Chinese influence in the area and the stakes the major states of South Asia and China have there.




India Is Regulating Nepal

China is currently unable to compete with India's dominance in Nepal's daily issues. People travel across the open borders between India and Nepal to seek employment n the neighbouring country. The majority population of Nepal is  Hindu, which promotes deeper interpersonal connections. Since the Treaty of Peace and Friendship, India and Nepal have had a strong bilateral relationship. Although there have been some tumultuous waters in Nepal and India's relationships since 2015, these arguments haven't resulted in anything significant. Problems can escalate into big ones for smaller nations like Nepal, such as the conflict along the Nepal-India border. India must therefore address these issues and lessen the effects of China's economic success. China has effectively monopolized Nepal's FDI, which totaled NPR 1.7 billion in 2017  (The Himalyan Times 2018). 

Instability In South Asia Might Affect Global Peace

The international world will continue to place the prevention of Pakistan's spill, a major domestic crisis, or the current dominance of radicals in the government and neighbourhood as a primary priority. Pakistan's energy crisis, youth unemployment, economic stagnation, abuses of human rights, and military dominance over national policy would be made worse by a civil war or rebellion led by  an ethnic or  sectarian groups. Such a shift could easily spill over into countries like Afghanistan, Iran, and India, which are already under scrutiny due to racial and sectarian divisions; it would put extremist or combatant groups' access to CBRN materials or weapons in jeopardy and could lead to violence along the India-Pakistan border  (Clay 2018)




Averting India- Pak Cross-Border Conflict

Most countries around the earth recognise the importance of preventing a war between Pakistan and India. Extremist representatives' significant cross-border invasions, whether conventional or nuclear. From 1947, Pakistan and India have fought multiple conflicts and have shared nuclear weapons for a further ten years. There are three areas where cross-border violence is possible. They include cross-border seizures by armed non-state actors, whether or not they are supported by states, and formal military confrontations that escalate beyond the more frequent border skirmishes. Any conflict that could lead to the use of one or more nuclear bombs by a non-state armed group, a military battalion acting erratically, or the military itself as a result of a communication error or a sense of impending threat. A nuclear exchange known as the ruinous-case concept was partially prompted by issues with geostrategic analysis. India has been enhancing its historic military prowess in response to China's expanding military ferocity in the Asia-Pacific region. Pakistan has responded by increasing the display of nuclear weapons, even those it considers tactical  (Gordon 2008).  This geostrategic scenario will have to be a key component of US strategy in South Asia to deter the heightened potential that tactical nuclear weapons may be used.




Preventing Deterioration of The Situation In Afghanistan

The Afghan conflict has had a significant impact on the rise of extremism in South Asia. The conflict, which began in 2001, has led to an increase in cross-border terrorism, the spread of extremist ideologies, and the growth of extremist groups in the region. The instability and violence in Afghanistan has created a conducive environment for the growth of extremist ideologies and the recruitment of young men and women into extremist groups. The Taliban and other extremist groups have used sanctuaries in Pakistan and other countries in the region to plan and carry out attacks in Afghanistan and other parts of the region. This has led to a rise in terrorist attacks in countries such as Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh. These attacks have not only caused loss of lives and destruction of property but have also had a negative impact on the economic development of these countries. Furthermore, the attacks have led to an increase in public fear and mistrust, which has created a fertile ground for extremist ideologies to take root. Afghan conflict has contributed to the rise of extremism in South Asia is through the spread of extremist ideologies. The conflict has led to the displacement of large numbers of people and the disruption of their livelihoods. These people are often vulnerable to extremist ideologies, which promise them a sense of purpose and belonging. Furthermore, the ongoing violence and instability in Afghanistan have created a sense of hopelessness and despair among the population, which has led many to turn to extremist ideologies as a means of coping.The Afghan conflict has also led to the growth of extremist groups in the region. The conflict has created a conducive environment for the growth of extremist groups, which have been able to recruit young men and women to their ranks. These groups have taken advantage of the lack of opportunities and the sense of hopelessness and despair among the population to gain support and expand their influence. They have also been able to use cross-border terrorism and the spread of extremist ideologies to their advantage, further fueling the rise of extremism in the region (Fair 2018).

South Asian countries are located in dangerous region. The region to their West is exemplified by a rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, a Shia Sunni political and sometimes armed conflict, and a pe

South Asian countries are located in dangerous region. The region to their West is exemplified by a rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, a Shia Sunni political and sometimes armed conflict, and a pervasive discontentment wreaking havoc on public health. The US ally Gulf states are south of three countries that are likely to remain difficult for Iran, Syria, Iraq, and the US. These countries are due west. To the north of South Asia are the Central Asian states, which typically do not get along with one another, have weak and corrupt governments, and have extremist organizations operating on their soil. They generally have friendly relations with the United States, but they are not close allies, and Russia sees them as being within its sphere of influence. China, which has a stronger historical ties with Pakistan in comparison to  India or Afghanistan and is the United States' most important global foe, is the country to the east whose strength is most directly related to that of South Asia.

Human satisfaction and the rule of law are not widely respected in the territory, a fact that has an impact on and helps support weak, dishonest, or autocratic regimes, particularly in Central Asia and the Middle East, where a variety of non-state armed groups and criminal organisations are also active. It is possible that in the coming years, civil disease—which can occasionally turn into civil conflict—will continue to be a major issue. This is especially true in the Middle East, where widespread dissatisfaction with deteriorating economic conditions and authoritarian governments has motivated efforts to pressure political leaders to change some brutal, effective crackdowns on demonstrators and civil disobedience.

Human rights and the rule of law are not widely respected in the region, which has an impact on and contributes to corrupt, despotic, or ineffective government, particularly in the Middle East and Central Asia. where a large number of criminal organizations and armed non-state groupings are also active. In the upcoming years, civic unrest—which can occasionally escalate into civil wars—is going to become a bigger worry. This is particularly true in the Middle East, where widespread unhappiness with oppressive governments and deplorable economic conditions has sparked efforts to compel political leadership change, some of which have been effective amid  deadly crackdowns on protesters.

Conclusion

Issues such as; Sir Creek, Kashmir, Siachen, the nationality of Tamils, Tibet, Bangladesh water and territorial conflicts, and  Nepal mandating open border have been a hurdle towards an alliance in the region. Disputes between Pakistan and India after the deadly separation in August 1947 resulted in the wars of 1948, 1965, 1971, and 1999, besides multiple low-vehemence conflicts. Human and military characteristics of security and interstates security predicaments have been encountered in South Asian countries. where military spending are allotted the top preference. Exposition of weapons and other genteel systems, South Asia is a vastly backward economy in contrast with the rest of Asia. India's traditional fanfare of arms concentrates more on China than Pakistan, and Pakistan is preserving an eye on India's boosting nuclear capacities. If such a triangular peril approach persists, there is a  likelihood of intermittent nuclear war in South Asia. Chinese military rejuvenated, yanked India into it, and coaxed Pakistan to pursue the suit. The smaller Countries are glimpsing towards the external ability to differ insecurity and threat. Engagement of external capabilities in South Asia with varying priorities and goals further problematizes the already complicated security climate. China and the United States have also risen as significant external facets in South Asia, which is dismaying for India. The Chinese technique of "Strings of Pearls" has made the regional security atmosphere more problematic.

The reality of external resilience and their participation in internal happenings has put regional stability prone to susceptibility to oppose Chinese accumulation. The non-military ground like money laundering, illegal cross-border movement, poverty, population growth, social inequality, 248 Non-military threats, transnational terrorism, smuggling mainly of drugs, and arms occupation is increasing much faster than ever before. In addition, environmental degradation is becoming the origin of apprehension at the regional level. The insufficient national security machine in differing traditional and non-traditional security hazards in South Asia appeals to unified security architecture to reduce escalating risks for a long time.

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