Abstract

This study critically examines the discourses about the self-identity formation and public perception about transgender community in District Mansehra, Pakistan. The study is theoretically guided by socio-cognitive approach of discourse analysis. The data was collected in the participant setting through in-depth interviews from the twenty transgender and fifteen respondents from the general public. The views of transgender about their self-identity and public perception about transgender was analyzed in the light of the linguistic choices while using socio-cognitive model. It was found that the self-identity formation of transgender is socially constructed that was reflected in their discourse. Likewise, the status, acceptance and overall social existence of transgender are also potentially determined by the views and narratives of the general public. The study concludes that the identity formation and discrimination of transgender is socially and linguistically constructed and internalized by the transgender community in specific and society in general.

Key Words

Community, Discourses, Language, Perception, Self-identity, Society.

Introduction

The term “Transgender” is a social construct and established phenomena extensively studied through multidisciplinary approaches including sociology, psychology, and linguistics. Gender and transgender being the assignment of social meaning to the biological sex and its identity and social existence has been largely defined by the society through language and internalized by the people through the process of social interaction. Transgender/third gender has remained as a part of human society since time immemorial, however the concept has become a main stay in the academic arena in the past few decades and continue to be the part of sociobiological and linguistic research in the future as the number of transgender is growing exponentially (Chhetri, 2017; Billard, 2018). The importance of transgender study is evident from the recently conducted researches covering the problems, issues, perceptions and attitude regarding transgender in various time and places (Billard, 2018; Flores et al., 2017; Morrison et al., 2017; Adams et al., 2016; Norton & Herek, 2013; Worthen, 2013; Tebbe & Moradi, 2012). A plethora of the research reveals about the problems and issues of the transgender through empirical investigation while using various measurement tools. These studies include transgender attitudes and beliefs scale by Kanamori et al. (2017), transsexual prejudice Scale by Case and Stewart (2013), Attitudes toward transgendered scale by Walch et al. (2012), the trans prejudice scale by Winter et al. (2009) transphobia scale by Nagoshi et al. (2008) and language pathology for transgender individuals (Hancock & Garabedian, 2013) studying pitch (Gelfer & Schofield, 2000), resonance and intonation (Hancock, Colton, & Douglas, 2014) along with the effects of components of communication therapy like articulation, vocal quality, volume and gender differentiation (Adler et al., 2012).

The word “transgender” refers to a broad range of gender presentations and social identities (Nagoshi et al. (2008); Hill & Willoughby, 2005). “Transgender” as an umbrella term refers to individuals who are categorized by living their daily lives adopting the gender opposite to which is associated to them at birth and so, we find transgender women and men. They also include people who identify themselves outside of the binary categorization of gender; people who are cross dresser; drag performers, and (sometimes) intersex people—all people who cross (“trans-”) gender boundaries in some way (Billard, 2018). Trans-sex individuals are those who are born with physical characteristics of one particular sex, feeling emotionally and physiologically belonging to the opposite sex. The female inverts are persons with an unusual proportion of male elements, while the male inverts are the persons with unusual proportions of female elements (Chhetri, 2017).

Sociologically, transgender or third gender is a comprehensive term which is used for describing those persons whose identity and/or gender expression does not reflect the existing gendered norms of society and also connected with the sex assigned at birth. Mainstream social constructions of gender tend to demand conformity by adhering to only selections of gender identity either as masculine or feminine (Dietert & Dentic, 2009). Third Gender in broad sense refers to those people who have different and unique gender characteristics (Egan & Perry, 2001). Male and female genders are known as gender binary but there are those people who don’t come in the category of gender binary. Third gender is usually used as term which includes various identities such as transsexual, intersex, drag queens/kings, transvestites (Newfield, et al., 2006). Transgender are the people whose identity is not a confirmed identity (Fatima, 2008). 

Critical discourse analysis, a quickly emerging field of study, considers discourse a form of social practice by taking into consideration the context discourse (Wang, 2006). It addresses the social problems focusing on the linguistics characteristics of social and cultural processes. The implicit power relationship in a social set up is critically analyzed and through linguistic tools made explicit. The results deduced thus have social and linguistic significance. Language being more explicit in conveying meanings than other codes can help in describing and prescribing identity-formation and public perception. Our identities and perceptions develop through language use largely. Similarly, identity of one group is discursively explained, legitimized and defended by other groups through discourse (van Dijk, 1998). The public perceptions are reflected and moulded in particular directions through discourse mostly by different groups. These groups portray each other negatively in the local discourse, through linguistic choices and some other strategies as out-groups (Tahir, 2013). 

Scenario of Transgender in Pakistan

Pakistan being an Islamic republic ensures the equal rights and protection of all its citizens; still to work more for the rights and social uplift of transgender. Article 25A of the 1973 constitution of Pakistan protects all the citizens of Pakistan by safeguarding their respect, dignity, rights and status; however these rights are not translated into laws and protection mechanisms at the state level with respect to vulnerable groups and specifically the transgender community (Aurat Foundation, 2016).

The situation further complicates by lack of respect and acceptance for these groups making them social outcasts and depriving them of their fundamental rights and subjecting them to multiple discrimination, harassment and violence simply on the basis of their gender and identity. Despite the Supreme Court of Pakistan’s ruling in 2009 that ‘transgender be given equal inheritance and job opportunity rights, amongst others’; no proactive action has been undertaken to this end. Furthermore, in compliance with the Supreme Court ruling of 2009, NADRA has started to facilitate transgender in obtaining CNIC by providing an option Khansa, male and female (Aurat Foundation, 2016). Though, adding the word Khansa for transgender has been used specifically to identify them as individuals outside the binary category of gender which is viewed as a systematic tactic of social exclusion. 

Rationale of the Study

Critical discourse analysis of transgender discourses is one the least addressed issues in the literature though we find sociolinguistic researches and language therapy targets in the light of their findings (Hooper, Crutchley, & McCready, 2012). The transgender are placed somewhere in the middle of the continuum through speech recognition, finding men to the one end and women to the other and receiving the resultant hatred from both ends (Coates, 2013). This hatred affects the transgender self-identity because of the public perception investigated in the present study. These transgender living in Dera almost live the same lifestyle across the country because of the same common public perception. Even those individual having positive perception try to avoid their company. The present study aimed to adopt a socio-cognitive model about the self-identity formation of transgender socially constructed and reflected in their discourse. Likewise, the status, acceptance and overall social existence of transgender was also potentially determined by the views and narratives of the general public. The researchers assumed that the identity formation and discrimination of transgender is socially and linguistically constructed and internalized by the transgender community in specific and society in general; that is why the self-identity and public perception about the transgender was investigated in this specific locale of District Mansehra. The researchers are from the same district and so could easily contact the transgender here. The district Mansehra was specifically selected for this study because of the higher number of transgender in Hazara Division. The sociocultural makeup of this area is generally viewed as culturally, friendly and socially accepting transgender community in comparison with other part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province where their acceptance is socially denied. So, the problems for transgender reflected in their discourse could easily be generalized to the other parts of the province.

Literature Review

On the one hand, cultural and social prejudices of the members in a society act as barriers for the transgender individuals to “open up” and “come out” of their identity imposed upon them by the members of society or family. On the other hand, social values and norms shape our behaviors attitudes to such extent that some people even become ready to exile their offspring because of the fear of being detested by the members of the society. The treatment and attitude of friends compel the transgender individuals to abandon their place of learning Regmi (2016).

 Theoretical classification that has explained different types of micro aggressions which are based upon transgender identity. Different micro aggressions are:

1. Heterosexist terminologies or languages used toward transgender

2. Public support of hetero normative culture/behavior when a transgender is supposed to be acted as heterosexual. 

3. Assume that all the transgender acted across the world are same 

4. They are treated as object and dehumanized.

5. Micro aggression takes place when they are treated with disrespect (Nadal et al., 2010).

Keeping the above points in view, the social status, recognition and acceptance of transgender is mainly reflected in the word “third gender”. In the context of Pakistani culture and society, the word “third” is usually used to describe the quality of an object, character of an individual or social condition as poor and inferior. Structural discrimination and social exclusion against transgender is rampant in Pakistani society. According to the article of “dailymail.co.uk”, the Lady Reading Hospital staff almost took an hour to decide in which ward a transgender patient may be put for medical treatment.  The transgender community started agitation on this act of the medical staff which was also supported by Trance Action Alliance (TAA). They further narrated that the transgender named Alisha was shifted to the female ward but women in the ward were also unwilling to accept her entry in the ward. The transgender Alisha spoke out before dying “we are the most defenseless part of society and the government gives us none of the rights due to our gender” She went on to say that “I think Government and society should recognize us as disabled or special persons because we are facing more difficulties and discrimination based on our undefined gender (Calderwood, 2016).

Discrimination with transgender based on their gender is so embedded in culture that the abuse, exclusion and discrimination seemed to be very much usual and normal. Although the social exclusion of a person is nothing to do with the hormonal, chromosomal or other biological disorders. In few interviews with learned individuals and Islamic scholars, regarding the social existence and status of the transgender highlighted the issues pertaining to transgender.  These issues must not be made complicated or stigmatized and considered as a taboo because no one is responsible for these (Khanzada, 2016). The medically fit individuals and not-fit individuals have no fault on their part. They have equal rights to live a respectable life; however the society considers them as aliens (Hassan, 2016). They have been created by Allah and thus having the same rights to live among us. The families and parents who do not care of such individuals are committing crimes and those who don’t behave decently towards transgender are committing sin (Ghamdi, 2016). 




In Pakistan, transgender are labelled and named as Hijra. Being a comprehensive term, Hijra depicts various forms of social, cultural and normative deviances on the part of individuals and groups. It covers those who break mainstream social construction of gender including “cross-dressers”, “eunuch”, transvestites, gender queer, and transgender (Abdullah et al, 2012). Some of the reasons of the exclusion of transgender include non-dominant social identities, poverty, illiteracy, injustice, lack of opportunities and social and cultural boycott. This marginalized group has the extra burden of coping with the accepted sexual orientations in the society (Jordan, 2000). This marginalized group’s exclusion from the main stream of social strata is compelling the group to be involved in inappropriate habits and conducts (Jordan, 2000, Jami, 2005) forcing them to plunge into dangerous and risky ways of survival (Abdullah et al, 2012, Jami, 2005) leading them to be engaged in other dangerous and risky means of earning  (Jordan, 2000). These neglected and fragile individuals’ condition should be adjusted in the mainstream of social order to avoid unwanted circumstances as pointed out by Cochran et al. (2004) even before the discloser of their sexual orientations not to face victimization, violence and harassment in society and schools (Qian et al., 2011). 

Methodology

Theoretical Framework 

This study used the socio-cognitive approach as a theoretical framework developed by Bandura (1986). According to this approach, beliefs, expectations, goals, intentions and self- perceptions give shape and direction to human behavior. What people believe, feel and think affect the way they behave (Bandura, 1986). This approach was used later on by other researchers for interface of cognition and social structure through discourse. The discourse is critically analysed for the interface of cognition and social practices. The reference to social norms and cognitive processes are analysed through linguistic choices in the model. The power abuse by the elites (people other than transgender here) and resistance to power abuse (or lack of it) by the oppressed group (transgender) through their discourse are highlighted in the model. The discourse dimensions give access to power (Tenorio, 2011) focusing on the cognitive processes involved. Identity works as an interface between the cognitive representation of discourse and actions, in accordance with the interests and societal positions of social groups. New identities are constructed through discourses and the previous identities are established through persistent coding and persuasion. This study, therefore, examines the relationship between discourse, society and mind. The manipulation of the new transgender through discourse in the guise of social norms is highlighted, not only changing and creating personal mental models but also manipulating the shared social manifestation of social group(s) through the structure of discourse and the context of discourse (van Dijk, 2009). The focus in this study was on exploring how cognitive phenomena can be related to the structure of discourse in communicative events and societal structure. But this integration of cognition and society is not related to each other directly and so, an interface model was required (van Dijk, 2009) which could help us in analysing the self-identity and public perception of the transgender through their discourse structure. 

 

Locale of the Study

The targeted locale of the study was District Mansehra which is situated in the northern area of Hazara Division in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa of Pakistan. Hence, the district is one of the largest in the province in term of population and area; therefore, this study was delimited only to Mansehra Tehsil where the potential sites of the transgender was located and purposively selected. Transgender are usually located in the urban centers, therefore, the potential sites of transgender which are known as Deras (local name of the places/residences where transgender live) were identified in the city of Mansehra. 

Sample Size and Selection of the Respondents

The exact number of the transgender people in the district is unknown; therefore, according to the population census 2017 of Pakistan, there are 176 transgender identified and registered. To find out convenience, all the transgender, after their identification, leave their home and prefer to stay in the situated Dera in the urban areas. Therefore, it was convenient for us to identify the potential sites of our respondents; though it was not easier to access their Dera and to conduct personal interviews with the transgender people. The following table shows the sample size and selection of their details.

 

Table1. Respondent’s details 

Respondent	Age	Gender	Time spent in Dera
1	40	Transgender	14
2	25	Transgender	2
3	34	Transgender	8
4	28	Transgender	4
5	38	Transgender	12
6	31	Transgender	9
7	27	Transgender	5
8	30	Transgender	7
9	29	Transgender	8
10	25	Transgender	3
11	32	Transgender	8
12	33	Transgender	3
13	26	Transgender	2
14	36	Transgender	10
15	33	Transgender	7
16	29	Transgender	5
17	37	Transgender	11
18	26	Transgender	7
19	28	Transgender	9
20	25	Transgender	2

  

Data Collection and Analysis Procedure

Access to Khawaja Sara community was difficult because all of them do not live at one place and their residences are scattered and they do not make a colony. Although a single family or Dera consists of 15-20 transgender individuals; with the help of locals and information collected through citizens we managed to identify a single Dera. Here, onward we used snowball sample in which our sample identified other samples and provided us the exact location of other places, where the transgender families live. Data was collected from twenty transgender in the five identified Deras in the city of Mansehra. In-depth interview sessions were taken with transgender (having 25-45 age) in the participant settings in the local languages including Hindko, Pasto and Urdu. Hence, the interviews were pertaining to some sensitive matters; therefore we used gender appropriate language throughout the interviews. Only those participants were interviewed who willingly participated in the interviews on volunteer basis.

In the second phase of our interviews, we collected data from fourteen male participants from the public to ascertain their views and perceptions regarding transgender. The aim of these interviews was to cross-check the narratives of the transgender and public. This research was guided by socio-cognitive approach to undertake an analysis of the discourses of the participants regarding the self-identity and public perception. Our sample consisted of individuals from different occupations like teachers, local journalists and imam (religious leaders), barbers, tailors and drivers. Prior to the interviews, all the participants were informed about the purpose of the study and they were assured that the information and the data collected will be kept confidential and will be used only for academic purpose.

The collected data was secured in the form of field notes in the local languages. All the conducted interviews were transcribed and translated into English. The themes were identifies from the interviews through linguistic choices’ selection and subsequently explained and discussed with the help of participant’s narratives.

Sample Size and Selection of the Respondents

The exact number of the transgender people in the district is unknown; therefore, according to the population census 2017 of Pakistan, there are 176 transgender identified and registered. To find out convenience, all the transgender, after their identification, leave their home and prefer to stay in the situated Dera in the urban areas. Therefore, it was convenient for us to identify the potential sites of our respondents; though it was not easier to access their Dera and to conduct personal interviews with the transgender people. The following table shows the sample size and selection of their details.

 

Table1. Respondent’s details 

Respondent	Age	Gender	Time spent in Dera
1	40	Transgender	14
2	25	Transgender	2
3	34	Transgender	8
4	28	Transgender	4
5	38	Transgender	12
6	31	Transgender	9
7	27	Transgender	5
8	30	Transgender	7
9	29	Transgender	8
10	25	Transgender	3
11	32	Transgender	8
12	33	Transgender	3
13	26	Transgender	2
14	36	Transgender	10
15	33	Transgender	7
16	29	Transgender	5
17	37	Transgender	11
18	26	Transgender	7
19	28	Transgender	9
20	25	Transgender	2

  

Data Collection and Analysis Procedure

Access to Khawaja Sara community was difficult because all of them do not live at one place and their residences are scattered and they do not make a colony. Although a single family or Dera consists of 15-20 transgender individuals; with the help of locals and information collected through citizens we managed to identify a single Dera. Here, onward we used snowball sample in which our sample identified other samples and provided us the exact location of other places, where the transgender families live. Data was collected from twenty transgender in the five identified Deras in the city of Mansehra. In-depth interview sessions were taken with transgender (having 25-45 age) in the participant settings in the local languages including Hindko, Pasto and Urdu. Hence, the interviews were pertaining to some sensitive matters; therefore we used gender appropriate language throughout the interviews. Only those participants were interviewed who willingly participated in the interviews on volunteer basis.

In the second phase of our interviews, we collected data from fourteen male participants from the public to ascertain their views and perceptions regarding transgender. The aim of these interviews was to cross-check the narratives of the transgender and public. This research was guided by socio-cognitive approach to undertake an analysis of the discourses of the participants regarding the self-identity and public perception. Our sample consisted of individuals from different occupations like teachers, local journalists and imam (religious leaders), barbers, tailors and drivers. Prior to the interviews, all the participants were informed about the purpose of the study and they were assured that the information and the data collected will be kept confidential and will be used only for academic purpose.

The collected data was secured in the form of field notes in the local languages. All the conducted interviews were transcribed and translated into English. The themes were identifies from the interviews through linguistic choices’ selection and subsequently explained and discussed with the help of participant’s narratives.

Results and Discussion

This study focused on the identity-formation of transgender and public perception about them. The linguistic tools like allusions, entailments, implications, and presuppositions etc. helped us in exploring the implicit meaning of identity-formation and public perception about transgender. This critical analysis examined the cognitive processes and social reasons for identity formations and the public perception which are mostly shared by social groups. When we talk, we carry with us our identity endorsing, accepting or rejecting the public perception about us. These identities are formed, influenced and even changed by the discourse about them and so, as a result create and change our perceptions about them.




Discourse Analysis about Self-Identification of Transgender  

When the respondents were asked about the self-identification of transgender or Khawaja Sira, their replies were mostly about the cognitive aspects of self-identification. These replies were analyzed in the light of socio-cognitive model. The following excerpt from the interview of one of the participants shows the complaints from God about their birth by using the word ‘born’ many time in discourse. The right over transgender to make him/her to obey the social norms is emphasized by the use of the words like ‘family’, ‘asked’, ‘wanted’ and ‘objected’. The words were used by the family members to make the transgender obey their commands and so, to question their identity-formation in a particular way to suit on the gender binary. The self-identify crisis is clear from the words like ‘confused’ and ‘thought’ used by transgender in search for their real identity. Their pathetic and submissive role is clear from the expression ‘I acted as they wanted’. The self-identity realization at the end was discovered from the words like ‘recognized’, ‘adjusted’ and ‘as I liked’ which the transgender found Dera.     

“I was born a Khusra; when I was born, my identity was defined medically. The doctors told my parents that a Khusra was born in the family but my family asked me to act like a male. They wanted me adopt my identity as a male. I acted as they wanted till childhood but when I became twelve years old my interest and behavior changed and slowly shifted toward female gender. I started acting like a girl, i.e., wearing girls’ cloths, playing with doll, talking like girls and joining girls gathering. My family strongly objected over it. I was really confused about defining my identity. I often thought over who I am, why I am like this. My meeting with other Khusras and constant interaction with them led toward learning their ways of life. I recognized myself as a proper Khawaja Sira and by adjusting myself in their communities, I could use my body as I liked”

Interaction with peer group and the negative attitude of the group compel the individual to develop and identify his/her identity in adolescence (Fee, 2009). Though all the terms used for transgender have negative connotation but the term khawaja Sira is liked by the transgender for themselves. This term recognize their status as a ‘them-group’ not socially accepted and place them as an out-group.      

 “There is only a single term that we use to identify ourselves, that is khawaja Sira because this term identify us in society.” 

The physical identity of the male is replaced by the female identify cognitively (male having female soul as claimed by them) which is socially resisted and abhorred in the society. The body soul dichotomy is very skillfully compared with a parallel analogy of male and female dichotomy. In the following comparison, the preference and tendency of the transgender for a female social role is clear from considering female a soul and male a body. The soul in this way is cognitively connected with the emotional and behavioral aspect of the personality not with the physical appearance.    

“Individual who are born as male, but having female soul also comes in the category of khawaja Sira.” 

The social acceptance (in Dera) of adopting any identity for transgender is so attractive that they leave their homes for this new community. They feel cognitively secure here and feel happy in this new social system in the patronage of Guru (elder Khwaja Sara). The term ‘objection’ in the previous expert is replaced here by ‘no objection’ signifying social and cognitive acceptance. The expressions ‘don’t remember my family’, ‘don’t really know’ and ‘had never experienced’ are contrasted with ‘I want to be…’, and ‘I am happy with what I am here’ signifying the value of freely searching and adopting their identity for the marginalized class in accordance with their social and cognitive needs.   

 “I was born Khawaja Sara, I don’t remember my family. I don’t really know who I really am. My Gurus adopted me and now this is my home. I never thought of changing my identity because this system is providing me everything. If I want to be a girl, there is no objection here and if I want to wear cloths of boys no one has any objection on it. I am happy with what I am here because I had never experienced and seen the life of man or women.”

The life on Dera is contrasted with our social life outside in the above excerpt. The life of Dera is cognitively considered far superior to the life outside it because the life here has full freedom of choice according to biological and hormonal needs. Furthermore, the life of a male or female has no attraction for transgender but they want to live their life with certain tendencies which are only available in Dera. The helplessness of the transgender to go against their natural needs and wish is clear from the words ‘barriers, discrimination, beat, threaten, kill and forced’ resulting in social exclusion in the following excerpt. 

 “If there are no barriers and discrimination in society toward third gender, I identify myself as a girl. But the discrimination started from my home where my brothers beat me, cut my hair and threatened to kill me. They wanted me to stop such behavior because of different comments from my neighbor about me. My behavior was natural and I could not control my behavior so they forced me to leave my home.”

The barriers for not allowing the transgender their due identify are shame, disgrace, discrimination, sexism and transphobia among other (Erber, 2015). The internal barriers are cognitive in nature, while the external barriers are social in nature affecting their identities in adulthood resulting in negative view of self (Ford, 2003). Their struggle to get self-esteem and self-acceptance are rejected in almost all social groups and as a result they start considering themselves as them-group discursively identified and face violence and harassment either physical or psychological. Their fragile bodies and minds are used to tolerate the harsh treatment like throwing them after being raped on some ghost road. The imagery created by words ‘violence, harassment, rape, beating, sticks, ropes, half alive, ghost road’ show their pathetic conditions and helplessness.  

“Violence and harassment become a mandatory part in the life of transgender; all of us were offered sex when we say no to them, then we were raped with violence. Violence includes beating with sticks, tied with ropes and then throws us half alive on some ghost road in mid night”.

The metaphor half alive signifying cognitive death of the wishes of transgender to be forced all the time by callous hands of the so-called social animals. This is so prevalence and accepted at social level that even those who don’t dare to do physical violence, call them different names and other derogatory terms to satisfy their superiority complex.  

“…They laugh at me they called me different by names like Kuri Ranga (term used for boys who behave like girls), Khusra, shopper, Hijra, Hazary da Mora and khawaja sira etc.”




Discourse Analysis of Public Perception about Transgender 

Public perception was the opinion of public toward transgender. Public had limited knowledge about them and so, their perceptions were mostly based on their self-evaluation of transgender or judged them against their social norms. Almost all the groups in a society (we-groups) consider the transgender as them-group and distance themselves from their affairs. Even the family members and other members of the society ridicule their existence and try to ban their participation in social gatherings. They are considered outsider (either biologically or socially) by public and the perception about them are recorded as if addressing some aliens. 

“Third gender people are human like us; they have different types some have hormonal defect and there are some men who disguise and pretend to be third gender”. 

The simile above (like us) compare a gender who have different types but most of these are claimed to be pretenders. A respondent who was running a tailor shop and most of his clients were transgender, explained that he could not differentiate between the actual and fake khwaja Sira.  

“There is no way we can differentiate between Khawaja Sira and cross dresser. Their patterns of living are the same. Both use a lot of makeup and wear female cloths. Their way of talking is similar and show same sort of behavior.” 

A respondent who was fruit seller in front of transgender Dera, though accepting their hybrid identify (different identity) still emphasized the observance of social norms for female in our society. The public perception about them to the extent to consider them as neither male nor female might be acceptable but the lack of clarity of how to treat them, what rights to assign them and what are their responsibilities and social roles is not clear to them even. The following expert shows this contradiction that in spite of considering them as a different gender from the binary gender, suggest feminine get up for them. The over use of the word ‘they’ identify them as them-group discursively identified.      

“They use high quality makeups and female cloths to attract general public toward them. I am not against this makeup and female clothing if they want to do so in their Dera because they are neither male nor female but when they leave their Dera, they must follow rules of society and religion. If they consider they are women they must wear Hijab and scarf. By doing so, they will get same respect as women”.

A school teacher running a stationary book shop explained that the transgender being different form both male and female are not treated well by us and as a result, they create an inferiority complex and to overcome that, they show overconfidence and behave awkwardly which is not socially accepted.   

“In my opinion because, they are different from other genders and they get inferiority complex when they want to adjust themselves in our society. In the struggle to do so, they show overconfidence. In overconfidence, they show such behavior which a normal human cannot tolerate such as touching their body parts and different way of walking and talking etc.” 

The respondent subconsciously accepts our maltreatment and their adjustment in our society. This affects both their language and behavior and as a result, their discourse has socio-cognitive model behind. One of the respondents explained why transgender was too much hated among local public. He claimed that they act and behave against the local culture and norms of society. This lead to their discrimination and so, they are neither treated like male nor like female. The socio-cognitive reasons were claimed to be reason to avoid their company and the contiguous diseases like HIV were claimed to spread because of them.    

“They are involved in sex business, which is not acceptable in our society, religion and state. Who wants to talk to them openly in front of their friends and family? They are becoming a big source of spreading HIV infection.”

The spread of contiguous diseases was cognitively put on the shoulders of the transgender though their ration in the entire population and ignoring the fact that the entire population is actively involved in the same acts somewhere else as well. The inhuman acts of the public are even justified and one of the respondents who worked as a shopkeeper at Super store claimed. 

“If they are raped by public I don’t thinks it’s totally the fault of public. They entice public and spread vulgarity during their dance acts.”

The public even ignore the fact that they invite these transgender to their parties and so, allow themselves be lured by them. The transgender on the other hand, accept a positive role of education in the society and identify the positive perception and response from the educated people and social workers. 

“….. but honestly speaking, the educated ones and those who run their own NGOs are working for our rights. They show positive attitude and sympathetic behavior to us. Officers of 17 and higher grades show positive attitude toward us.”  

The public perceptions analyzed under socio-cognitive approach show that the mental models of educated and uneducated are different about transgender; as the educated ones take into account the helplessness of the transgender in their birth and the lack of social acceptance and their proper placement in our social set up. 

Conclusion

This study critically examined the discourses about the self-identity formation and public perception about transgender community in District Mansehra, Pakistan. The study was theoretically guided by socio-cognitive approach of discourse analysis. The data was collected through in-depth interviews and analyzed with the help of linguistic features for self-identity and public perception about transgender. The linguistic choices in the light of socio-cognitive model determined that self-identity formation of transgender was socially constructed reflected in their discourse. Likewise, the status, acceptance and overall social existence of transgender was also potentially determined by the views and narratives of the general public. The study found out that the identity formation and discrimination of transgender was socially and linguistically constructed and internalized by transgender community in specific and society in general. The transgender discourse was full of complaints from God about their birth and from common public by imposing their undue authority over them and denying or snatching their rights. This often led to self-identify crisis and their pathetic and submissive role which was clearly identifiable in their discourse. The self-identity realization happened in Dera where the transgender feel cognitively secure and feel happy in this new social system under the patronage of Guru. The life in dera was considered superior to the life outside it because the life here was full freedom according to their biological and hormonal needs signifying the value of freely searching and adopting the identity for the marginalized class in accordance with their social and cognitive needs. The internal barriers were cognitive in nature, while the external barriers were social in nature affecting their identities in adulthood resulting in negative view of selves. Their struggle to get self-esteem was rejected by almost all social groups and as a result they started considering themselves as them-group discursively identified. This out-group was not socially accepted by the so-called social animals because of the attachment of transgender with emotional and behavioral aspects of personality. Even the lack of clarity of how to treat them, what responsibilities to assign them and what rights and social roles to assign was prominent in their discourse. Because of this negligence, the transgender develop an inferiority complex and to overcome that, they show overconfidence and behave awkwardly which was not considered socially acceptable. The public subconsciously accepted their maltreatment of transgender which is expressed in clear terms by more educated than less educated and demanded their adjustment in our society. 

References

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